LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 



^ Shelf -QJ2-A7 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 




ADAMS COUNTY COURT HOUSE. 

LOCATED AT QUINCY, ILL. 



REMINISCENCES 



QUINCY, ILLINOIS, 

CONTAINING 

Historical Events, Anecdotes, Matters Concerning Old 
settlers and old times, etc., 



HENRY ASliURY. 




iS.i V • 



QUINCY, ILL.: 

D. Wilcox & Sons, Printers, 117 Hampshire Street, 
L882. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1881, by 

HENRY ASBURY, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 






Introductory Chapter, 



IpBgLMOST, since the settlement at Jamestown, Va., in 1607, 
£a#JC; ar >d the subsequent landing and more permanent settle- 
ment of the Pilgrims at Plymouth in 1620, there has grown to 
be a laudable custom in America to preserve more or less exten- 
sive histories of the early times, old stories, and matters of 
supposed interest pertaining to such particular localities as 
challenge the allegiance and the affections of pioneer people. 

If the histories of Rome go back to Romulus and Remus, 
why may not our earliest settlers, such as John Wood and 
Willard Keyes, figure in the history of Quincy. Rome at the 
end of the first fifty years after her first settlement was no larger 
than Quincy is now. 

In writing this short history of Quincy, I can not reasonably 
expect to avoid such errors as seem predestined to creep into 
every book. Though this book will most probably be read 
by but few outside of our own city and county, I desire to pre- 
serve in it, some matters of a wider range. 

Who was the first white man that visited the spot now covered 
by our city? Of course this inquiry does not relate to prehis- 
toric times. The question of who were the mound builders, 
what people buried their dead upon our Mount Pisgah — the high 
mound through which Maine street was opened to the river — 
and other high points along the river bluffs, I leave for others to 
explain. Historically, we know that Marquette, the French- 
man and Roman Catholic Ecclesiastic, discovered the upper 
Mississippi river, passed down this river, and passed the present 
site of Quincy (whether he landed here or not we do not know) 
about July, 1673. He was probably the first white man who 
looked upon our bluffs. But coming down nearer to our own 
times we find that in 1805, or probably 1806, General Zebulon 
Pike (afterwards killed during the war of 181 2, at York, in Can- 
ada) was ordered by the war department to ascend the Missis- 



sippi from St. Louis to the Falls of St. Anthony, and to locate 
the sites of a number of forts for the protection of the frontier at 
such points as he might deem most suitable. In the discharge 
of this duty, he selected Fort Edwards (now Warsaw), Fort 
Madison, Fort Armstrong (Rock Island), Fort Crawford 
(Prairie du Chien), and Fort Snelling, near the Falls of St. An- 
thony; all of these forts were built and garrisoned not long 
afterwards. 

Fort Madison, at or near the present town of Fort Madison, 
Iowa, was, during the year 1812, burned down. This old fort was 
succeeded by the new fort, built some years afterwards. It was 
garrisoned as late as 1835. The old Fort Edwards at Warsaw 
was abandoned, but some of the buildings were still standing in 
1835. As stated by an authority before me, General Pike 
started up the river from near St. Louis on Friday, Aug. 9, 
1805, with one sergeant, three corporals and seventeen privates, 
in a keel-boat seventy-five feet long, provisioned for four months, 
and arrived at the Falls of St. Anthony Sept. 26, thus making 
the voyage of about 800 miles in forty-eight days, or making the 
distance of twelve and a half miles per diem, which seems very 
fast keel-boat traveling. 

The expedition left their keel-boat at the Falls and proceeded 
some distance in smaller vessels up the river, above the falls, 
and from the highest point they reached on the Mississippi, they 
thence started by land through the wilderness in a west and 
southwestern direction, crossing the Missouri river and extend- 
ing their expedition till they came in view of what was then called 
the Spanish Mountains, and particularly noting that high peak 
of mountain now known as Pike's Peak — and so named for 
General Zebulon Pike. The remnant of his expedition finally 
reached the Mississippi river and, I believe, returned to their 
starting point. I find no account of even keel-boat transporta- 
tion upon the upper Mississippi prior to the ascent of General 
Pike in his keel-boat in 1805 or 1806. After the establishment 
of the forts their supplies were, however, for a time furnished by 
keel-boats, and up to the time of the introduction of steamboat 
navigation. The upper Mississippi had, however, been early 
used for the transportation of rafts of lumber, and by Indian 
traders in the use of the small keel-boat, or "Perogue." 

In early times a set of men, called half-breeds, with some 
pure-blooded Indians were employed as keel-boat men. Mr. 
Hiram Lindsay, who for a time was owner or supercargo of 



one or more of these boats, told the writer that on one occasion 
his crew consisted almost entirely of Indians of the Sack or 
Saukee tribe, with one Kickapoo. It appears that on one occa- 
sion in coming up the river, about opposite the present location 
of Quincv, in some way the Sacks heard that one of their tribe 
had been killed by the Kickapoos. It was solemnly decided by 
the Saukees that the Kickapoo must be killed in retaliation. 
They informed the Kickapoo that he must die, and that he was 
allowed to go into the woods (the boat then being tied up at the 
shore) and sing his death song, being watched by the Saukees 
to prevent his escape. Mr. Lindsay said he never heard so 
doleful a noise as the poor Kickapoo made in singing his death 
song, which consisted mainly of the following expressions in 
broken English: "O-o-o, poor one Kickapoo me; whole heap 
"of Saukee! O-o-o, poor one Kickapoo me, whole, whole heap 
"of Saukee! O-o-o-o, poor one Kickapoo me, whole, whole, 
"whole heap of Saukee!" Mr. Lindsay, finding out what was 
intended by the Sacks, with much trouble managed to let the 
Kickapoo escape. I have never, since hearing this story, seen 
a crowd set upon one man, without any justification, but what I 
have thought of that one poor Kickapoo surrounded by a 
whole heap of Saukees. 

Our own local history tells that our first settler within the 
original limits of Quincy, Willard Keyes, passed down the river 
past the present site of the city on a raft of lumber on the ioth 
of May, 1819. 

Quincy was for many years, and still is substantially in a 
business and historical point, the most important place of the old 
Military Bounty Land Tract. Its history includes somewhat its 
surroundings, and particularly the laws which attach to its locality. 
By an act of Congress approved May 6, 181 2, and other acts 
concerning Military Bounty lands, all the country lying between 
the Mississippi and Illinois rivers at far up as 15 north of the base 
line, as the same was afterwards surveyed, was with other lands 
lying in the territory of Michigan, in the territory of Louisiana, 
afterwards Missouri and Arkansas set apart for satisfying the 
bounties of 160 acres promised to each of the non-commissioned 
officers and soldiers of the United States. 

The Illinois Bounty Land Tract, which includes Quincy and 
Adams County, was surveyed by the government during the 
years 181 5 and 1816. The title to the whole remained in the 
United States until after the survey and distribution of the lands 



by patents to the respective soldiers entitled thereto, so that no 
patents or deeds to any part thereof were recorded in any 
County in the State, until after the issuing of such patents. 
The whole of the land in this Military Bounty Land Tract was 
not, however, patented to the soldiers ; a large portion of it was 
afterwards sold by the government to purchasers. 

The County of Madison, the present boundaries of which lie 
on the east side of the Illinois river, was organized by proclama- 
mation of Gov. Edwards, March 14, 1812. The County em- 
braced all the territory lying north of a line beginning on the 
Mississippi river, with the second township line above Cahokia, 
and running east to the Indiana territory — this boundary of 
Madison County thus embraced all the country north of its south 
line, and including the whole Military Tract as the same was 
afterwards surveyed. 

An act to form a new county on the Bounty Lands was ap- 
proved Jan. 21, 1821. It defined the boundaries of Pike County 
as beginning at the mouth of the Illinois river and running 
thence up the middle of said river to the fork of the same, thence 
up the south fork of said river until it strikes the State line of 
Indiana, thence north with said line to the north boundary line 
of this State, thence west with said line to the west boundary 
line of this State and thence with said boundary line to the place 
of beginning. 

Pike County thus bounded was to form part of the First 
Judicial Circuit. The election for County officers which com- 
pleted the organization of "Old Pike," took place at Cole's 
Grove, (now Gilead, in Calhoun County) April 21, 1821. 

By an act approved Dec. 30, 1822, the County of Pike was 
again bounded so as to include only all of the Military Bounty 
Land Tract south of the base line, but all the rest of the country 
or territory within its original limits was still attached to and 
made a part of the County until otherwise disposed of by the 
General Assembly of the State. 

The County of Fulton was organized under the act of Jan. 
28, 1823, and contained the same boundaries as at present. But 
the act provided that all the rest and residue of the attached 
part of the County of Pike east of the fourth principal meridian 
should be attached to and made a part of said County of Fulton 
until otherwise disposed of by the General Assembly of the 
State. 



By an act of Jan. 10, 1825, forming new Counties out of Pike 
and Fulton Counties and attached parts thereof, the boundaries 
of a number of unorganized Counties were defined. Hancock 
was attached to Adams, and all that tract of country north of 
Schuyler and Hancock, and west of the fourth principal meridian, 
was attached to Schuyler for all County purposes, until such 
time as it shall appear to the Judge of the Circuit Court that any 
of these unorganized Counties should contain three hundred and 
fifty inhabitants, when the Judge was required to grant an or- 
der for an election of County officers, which election was to 
complete the organization of the County. 

The act approved Jan. 13, 1825, among other things therein 
provided that all that tract of country within the following boun- 
daries, to-wit: Beginning at the place where the township line 
between townships three and four south touches the Mississippi 
river, thence east on the said line to the range line between 
ranges four and five west, thence north on said range line to the 
northeast corner of township two north, range five west, thence 
west on said township line to the Mississippi river, thence 
down said river to the place of beginning, should constitute the 
County of Adams. The commissioners appointed by the act to 
select the county seat were Seymore Kellogg of Morgan, Joel 
Wright of Montgomery, and David Dutton of Pike County. 
Prior to the passage of this act, John Wood made in the Ed- 
wardsville Spectator the notice required by the act of Jan. 30, 
1821, for the organization of new Counties. 

From the foregoing acts of the General Assembly, it appears 
that from the organization of Madison County, in 181 2, to the 
organization of old Pike County, in 182 1, deeds for lands lying 
in the Bounty Land Tract were properly recorded in Madison 
County. Alter the formation of "Old Pike" for a time and until 
new Counties were formed out of her immense territory, all deeds 
for lands in the Military Tract were properly recorded in Pike 
County. At the date of the act of Jan. 21, 182 1, which fixed the 
boundaries of the old Pike County, the whole population could 
not have exceeded one hundred of whites, including a few French 
families upon the Illinois river. The present population of that 
territory is not less than one million. After the organization of 
Fulton County, in 1823, deeds for lands in the Military Tract, 
and all east of the fourth principal meridian, were properly 
recorded in Fulton County, until the organization of Counties 
lying north of Fulton proper. After the act of January, 1825 



10 

forming new Counties out of Pike and Fulton Counties and 
attached parts thereof, the County of Hancock was tor a time 
attached to Adams, and so thereafter until the organization 
of Hancock, deeds for lands in that County were properly 
recorded in Adams County, and deeds for lands lying north 
of Hancock and Schuyler Counties and west of the fourth 
principal meridian were properly recorded in Schuyler County, 
until those Counties north of Hancock were organized. After 
the organization of any County, deeds for lands in that County 
were to be therein recorded. Hence we find many deeds for 
lands lying in the Military Tract recorded in Madison County 
prior to the organization of Pike in 182 1. Many deeds were 
afterwards recorded in Pike and Schuyler and also in Fulton 
for lands lying outside of said Counties. Adams and Schuyler 
were both organized in 1825. It may be proper to state here 
that at the date of the act of Congress creating the Illinois 
territory in 1809, it contained but two Counties — St. Clair and 
Randolph — Cahokia and Kaskaskia were county seats. 

Up to and prior to the laying off the town of Quincy and the 
organization of the County in 1825, or within a short time there- 
after, there were residing in the County a number, but not a 
great number of settlers. In the town itself, on the Fourth of 
July, 1825, there was but one resident within its original limits, 
namely Willard Keyes, who had erected the year before a cabin 
16x16 feet, near what is now the corner of Vermont and Front 
streets. The cabin of Governor Wood, which had been erected 
two years earlier, lay outside of the orriginal town plat, but by 
extending our town limits, its location has long since fallen 
within the oresent limits of the citv. 



CHAPTER I. 



An Outline of Quincy as She Is Now, 



SpffiERHAPS this is the most difficult chapter to write with 
lllll satisfaction both for the writer and the readers of our 
book. Quincy being now a city with city's ways and habits, 
and no longer the mere village of the olden times, presents many- 
sided views and interests, all having just claims to the notice of 
any one who essays to write her history. Besides this she has 
many men, who, though no more inclined to demand special no- 
tice than like inhabitants of other localities, yet may, from an 
individual standpoint, seem to us to claim more than we can 
give within our limited pages. No one will be intentionally left 
without mention in this book because he does not subscribe for 
a copy. This book is not written for an advertising medium 
for our professional and business men individually. Without 
pictures, or other mere adventitious displays, it is modestly sent 
forth for what it is worth, and with a consciousness on my part 
that much more might be said in this first chapter of Quincy as 
she now is, of many individuals who have lived among us here, 
and that even our omissions may be no greater than our sins of 
commission, I yet declare that nothing is herein set down or 
omitted in this or succeeding chapters in unkindness to any, 
challenging all my readers to love Quincy as well as I do love 
her, and asking all to stand by her to the last as among the first. 
I shall in the succeeding chapters try to note as fully as my 
space will allow, the incidents and somewhat historical events 
pertaining to Quincy through the years intervening since our 
first settlement to substantially the present time. To use a 
figure of speech, I now prefer to stand upon our high- 
est pinacle, and look back from the dome of our grand 



12 

Court House to those Indian wigwams and tents that once clus- 
tered along our river front and "Old Boston Bay" in the long 
time ago. 

The writer can not here and now give even the names and 
exact number of all our professional and business men. If we 
take all our clergy, bishops, priests, and preachers, including 
those engaged in teaching, we shall count up to at least one 
hundred of them ; and yet we are told that the harvest is great 
whilst the laborers are few. Yet again we are told, very truly 
to our shame, that the money harvest is never too great. In 
fact we have but one priest that cultivates with his own hands 
his garden. 

Of lawyers we have here now at least as many as sixty. As 
I am a lawyer myself, I feel sure that my brethren will not ex- 
pect me to shed much ink over them — they will surely speak 
for themselves — if they are of any account. 

Dropping the professional standpoint I may say in the name 
of Quincy — that in a long pull, and a strong pull, and a pull 
altogether, as they say at sea — all our strictly professional 
classes together have not greatly helped to build up our town in 
any material sense, though many of them have been and others 
are among our most honored citizens. The men who have 
built houses, and those who conduct manufactories, and give 
large employment to useful labor, are and were the men who 
built our city and who mainly now maintain it. If this class of 
citizens would look a little more into the matter of our elections, 
it would be well for all. 

In the United States, as our new settlements advance to the 
frontier, they establish among themselves, first the blacksmith 
shop, the wagon and plowmakers shops, the family grocery 
and the store. The baker comes along after. These settle- 
ments do not wait long, as in the case of Quincy, before they 
have both the law and lawyers and the gospel and the 
preachers. 

I can not exactly state who were our first wagon and carriage 
makers. Of those living, Amzi C. Root, now 80 years of age, 
was among the first, though Carter & Walker were here before 
or about the same time, 1834, and also John Epple, Timothy 
Rogers, in 1837 or 1838, Knapheide soon after. There is still 
here, their representatives in the same business, to a large ex- 
tent increased and diversified, and most prominent W. T. & E. 
A. Rogers. This firm, in the various extent of its business and 



13 

dealings, make a large factor in the business of the city. The 
name of the old Knapheide wagon may also still be seen upon 
our streets. 

The very important and extensive manufactory of W. H. 
Collins & Co., engaged in plow-making and of agricultural imple- 
ments, is now and bids fair to become one of the largest factories 
in this part of the State. 

In the matter of carriage manufactories, the firm of E. M. 
Miller & Co. have become almost, if not quite national in the 
extent of their dealings. There are here a number of other 
meritorious firms engaged in the manufacture of both wagons 
and carriages, so that these branches of business are quite ex- 
tensively carried on and yearly increasing. 

Our oldest cabinet-maker still living is Adam Schmitt, long 
since out of business. Frederick W. Jansen, whose sons now 
represent the firm of F. W. Jansen & Son, now large manufac- 
turers, was here as early as 1836 or 1837. The present firm in 
their business have become the head of the class of furniture 
manufacturers among us. Mr. Jansen, the father, universally re- 
spected, died some years since and his sons have retained the name 
of the firm of which their father died a member. We have 
many other important manufacturers of furniture, besides several 
heavy dealers in that branch of trade. 

Among foundrymen the earliest, and for years the most im- 
portant, was the firm of Collins, Comstock & Co. This firm 
has from time to time changed its members, but yet substantially 
exists under the name of Comstock, Castle & Co. The business 
of this house has been mostly confined to the manufacture of 
stoves. The old and reliable Thomas White stove foundry, the 
Bonnet, Duffy & Co. stove foundry, and the newest, that of 
Channon, Emery & Co., besides some others, are all important 
and likely to succeed and prosper. 

Of machine shops, coupled with castings and engine-making, 
at this time the most important is the Eagle Foundry of Smith, 
Hill & Co. Our earliest machine shops were those of Green- 
leaf, Worrell & Caldwell, Gardner & Mitchell, and Brown, 
Dimock & Co. The Steam Governor Works of R. W. Gard- 
ner is in many respects the most interesting, well managed and 
profitable concerns in the State. Ertle's Portable Hay Press, 
like Gardner's Governor, is especially a Quincy institution and 
possesses, as it is alleged, great merit. 



14 

Every form of mechanical industry for the retail and custom 
demands of the community are here carried on to a large ex- 
tent. From the whistling shoemaker, who hammers his sole 
on the lap-stone, to the sturdy blacksmith, whose blows make 
the fire fly at every stroke, the work goes bravely on, and 
Heaven smiles — we more than get even with the so-called curse 
of labor — making it our greatest blessing. 

Among very important manufacturing establishments, we 
may rank that of the Quincy Paper Company, carried on for the 
manufacture of coarse paper and straw boards, and of which R. 
F. Newcomb is president. This company has created here a 
large demand for straw, which used to be burned up or left to 
rot, without being in any way utilized. This company gives 
large employment to labor, and is therefore our friend. 

The Barlow Rotary, the Quincy, and the Vandiver Corn 
Planter Company occupy large space, employ many men and 
much capital. 

Of agricultural warehouses, where all manner of labor-saving 
machinery and instruments are on sale, we have the extensive 
house ot Pope, Baldwin & Co., Wenzel & Co., and many others. 

One of our modest, but growing and interesting manufactur- 
ing and mechanical concerns is the Gem City File Works, 
owned by A. C. Bickhaus. Forty years ago there was not per- 
haps a single manufactory of this kind in the entire State. We 
have had to await the arrival trom Europe of such skilled work- 
men as were capable of doing the work which this house is now 
turning out with great success. 

The firm of F. W. Menke & Co., contractors and furnishers 
ot sawed and cut stone, is a most important factor in building. 

Of organ factories, we have that of "The Whitney & Holmes 
Organ Company," besides one or more other factories of the 
kind. 

Of tobacco and cigar manufactories, we have the Gem City 
Tobacco Works, that of The Wellman & Dwire Tobacco Com- 
pany, that of Joel H. Harris' Sons, that of Kingsbaker Bros., 
that of Bader & Hartung, and perhaps twenty or more smaller 
factories and shops, some of them, however, doing a large busi- 
ness. 

In the matter of breweries, the first in extent is that of Dick 
Bros., the Eber Brewing Company, and some five or six others. 
This branch of industry is extensive and successful, Our first 
brewery was built by Anton Delabar as early as 1837, 1 think. 



15 

As pertaining to our facilities in building, there are here a 
number of planing mills, as that of Orr & Hodgden, contractors, 
that of Peter II. Meyer, contractor, and several others in pro- 
cess of erection. 

The hardware business here is extensive and meritorious. 
The wholesale house of Coxe & Coxe, the wholesale and retail 
business of Cottrell, and that of the Tenks, the oldest house, and 
others can supply all demands, and affording competition in both 
home and outside dealings. 

The wholesale house of Wood Bros., dealers in hats, caps, &c, 
the retail establishment of George J. Laage & Co., the oldest, 
with many other houses here in that line of trade, can furnish all 
needed coverings for the head. 

In the matter of boots and shoes, the wholesale house of 
Kingsbury, Blasland & Co., that of Upham, Gordon & Co., and 
others, command extensive trade, while of retail stores of these 
articles there is no end. 

The wholesale dry goods business, after some old time 
houses, long since extinct, may now be represented first by 
Isaac Lesem & Co., and others, while of wholesale and retail 
dry goods and notion houses, the first in point of time, still 
in existence is that of Joseph, Nelke & Co. 

Of wholesale grocers we have Meyer & Kespohl, Austin & 
Kohl, Tripp & Manson, and others. There are no doubt many 
other houses embracing with their retail business the selling by 
wholesale also; and this applies to nearly every branch of mer- 
chandising carried on here to some extent. 

Of the retail dry goods business of Quincy, if I attempted to 
go into details as to names, locations, &c, my book would not 
hold them all. The oldest living retail dry goods merchant now 
here is James Fisher. Of Quincy and her retail dry goods 
houses, I may add that they are numerous and prosperous, 
selling at city prices, and being able to supply the large demand 
both for home and outside customers. 

The retail grocery and provision stores of Quincy are numer- 
ous and especially meritorious, extensive and generally well and 
safely conducted. 

In the matter of fish and oyster depots we have several. No 
man need fail to have a fashionable and good old time orthodox 
dinner, including fish and oysters, if he can pay even a reasonable 
price. Our Mississiffi black bass still stands at the head; lake 
fish and fish from the sea can be had at all seasonable times. 



16 

Our butchers are numerous and generally furnish most excel- 
lent meats, from the blue ribbon premium sort down to a 
roasting pig. 

Of those occupations somewhat in the line of specialties, I note 
the extensive concern of Pond, Distin &Co., dealers in eggs, 
butter, &c. This business is very large, and their principal 
business house is quite attractive. Solomon Stahl & Son, 
wholesale dealers in eggs, butter, poultry and game, do a large 
business. 

In the line of saddlery, leather, &c, the wholesale house of 
"The J. B. Schott Saddlery Company" furnish to customers 
any required amount of goods. Of saddle and harness makers 
we have here more than twenty at least, some of them doing 
a very large business. 

In the trade in hides, furs, &c, including dealing in wool, the 
firms of F. Silberman & Bros., and that of H. Hirsch & Co., and 
others, do a large and profitable business. 

In the business of manufacturing crackers, Quincy has for 
many years held a prominent position, going back to that king 
of the trade, Kendall. Our oldest firm now is that Brown 
Bros. & Co., Clark & Morgan, John Wessels, and many 
other, many of them doing large wholesale business. 

Our bankers are L. & C. H. Bull, the First National Bank, 
the Union Bank and the Ricker National Bank of Quincy. 

Of book stores, wholesale and retail, we have first and oldest 
that of J. R. Dayton & Co., that of T. D. Woodruff, and of re- 
tail book and stationery stores, that of J. R. Skinner and others. 

In the wholesale drug business, we have the house of Som- 
mer, Lynds & Co., a large establishment embracing white lead, 
oils, paints, &c. ; and of those houses engaged in both wholesale 
and retail business, those of Montgomery & Co., Schrceder, 
Miller, Terdenge & Co., and many others. 

Our mills and manufactories of flour are quite excellent, and 
some of them early distinguished. The Eagle Mills is the 
legitimate successor of that built by J. E. Jones, Jones & 
Wheeler, Jones, Wheeler & Osborn, and go back nearly forty 
years. In its day this old mill carried for Quincy, even in 
Europe, a good name for first class flour. Now we have many 
others equally good, as that of the Whitmore Bros., the Tellico, 
and many others. 

Of wholesale and retail crockery and glassware establish- 
ments, perhaps the largest is that of II. Ridder & Co., of F. A. 
Everett, and that of Gerry & Son, and others. 



17 

A comparatively new, though long needed store, has sprung 
up here in that of the Eber & Walters seed and fruit store. 
This house sells seeds of every kind, from a turnip seed to a 
rutabaga turnip itself. The}'' seem to have mainly succeeded 
to a large part of the apple trade at this point. Their continued 
success is universally desired. 

Forty years ago the great Laboratory of Nature had not pro- 
duced from the ground that wonderful product now known as 
petroleum or coal oil, and which should soon become one of the 
most important articles of commerce; yet now in the single 
house of Henry A. Williamson, commission merchant and dealer 
in coal and other oils, there is carried on here one of the largest 
business concerns in our city. 

Nor have we until within a few years fully realized and 
utilized our very superior limestone hid away in our bluffs. 
Now Quincy lime has become celebrated in every direction as 
nearly the best in the world. 

In that very important branch of business, the lumber trade, 
in which Quincy has for years been well represented, we have 
now and first, the Quincy Lumber Company, D. D. Meriam 
& Son, A. S. Meriam, Flack & Bristol, and many others. 

Of our merchant tailors and of our wholesale and retail 
clothing stores, I remember that the oldest merchant tailor (if 
we give him the credit, to which he is entitled, of his father's 
establishment, ot whom he is the legitimate successor) is J. Phil. 
Bert, Finlay Brothers, Alois Gatz, and others without number. 
In the wholesale and retail clothing business we have J. D. Leyy 
& Co., Jonas Meyer, J. Parkhurst, J. Stern & Sons, Thompson 
& Bowles, and many others, too many to mention. The 
clothing business is full. 

In the matter of watches and jewelry and silver and gold 
utensils and ornaments none need go astray, with Huffman, 
Ilosmer Bros., and many others. The oldest, old-fashioned, 
most reliable and honest, old time silversmith and jeweler is 
William H. Gage. 

And now having got upon us our clothing, watches and 

jewelry, we turn cautiously to the places where at wholesale, or 

at least not less than a jug-full, our readers may get something 

to drink, too much of which brings oblivious sleep, without 

pleasant dreams. Some of our largest wholesale liquor houses, 

for the sale of wines, liquors, &c, are those of J. H. Duker & 

Bro., Adamy, Blutgut, and many others. 

2 



18 

But the foregoing sketch of Quincy as she is, can only be 
considered a mere outline of the whole picture. It was found 
impossible to go into greater details. Our readers must feel 
assured that beneath this general sketch of material Quincy, 
there lies unnoted even ten times more than is therein definitely 
presented. Country merchants may now here purchase and lay 
in from time to time, according to the demands of their respective 
local dealings, all needful articles and supplies of merchandise 
suitable to their stores and business, including dry goods, 
groceries, tinware, crockery ware, glassware, hardware, agri- 
cultural implements, wagons, plows, reapers, iron, steel, nails, 
paints and oils, leather, and indeed everything needed in a variety 
store, and all at the lowest prices, being assured that even our 
local competitions, necessarily bring down prices to the lowest 
living standards. 

The population of Quincy by the United States census of 
1880 gives us only 30,000 inhabitants — perhaps not enough by 
some thousands. Our real number of population now, in 1882, 
should stand at about 33,000. 

As showing in a degree what this point amounts to in the 
trade, commerce and manufactures of the West, we insert the 
following: 

The commercial interests of Quincy are varied and extensive, 
embracing every branch of trade. Below is given a tabulated 
statement of the number of firms, the amount of capital invested, 
and the value of sales of jobbing and retail houses in 1881: 

Capital Value of 

No. Kind of Business. Invested. Sales. 

6 Agricultural Warehouses $125,000 $ 430,000 

8 Books, etc 100,000 225,000 

19 Boots and Shoes 250,000 1,100,000 

5 Butter and Eggs 125,000 450,000 

24 Clothing 320,000 950,000 

4 Coal Dealers 100,000 200,000 

2 Coal Oil, Salt, etc 75,000 300,000 

6 Crockery, etc 60,000 180,000 

25 Drugs, Paints, etc 475,000 1,067,000 

25 Dry Goods 550,000 1,500,000 

31 Groceries 750,000 2,832,000 

6 Hardware, etc 250,000 610,000 

8 Hats and Caps 105,000 350,000 

6 Hides, Furs, etc 165,000 1,000,000 

25 Ice 300,000 400,000 

11 Jewelry 65,000 180,000 

13 Liquors and Wines 250,000 950,000 



19 

Cm pi tal Value of 

No. Kind of Business. Invested. Sides. 

16 Merchant Tailors 140,000 495,000 

20 Millinery 75,000 235,000 

3 Mouldings 30,000 75,000 

3 Musical Goods 37,000 95,000 

2 Notions and Toys 50,000 300,000 

2 Oysters and Fish 10,000 20,000 

2 Paper and Paper Bags 28,000 136,000 

•1 Seeds 40,000 90,000 

8 Sewing Machines 50,000 125,000 

13 Stoves and Tinware 80,000 200,000 

9 Wood Dealers 95,000 250,000 



$4,700,000 $14,745,000 

The manufactories of Quincy, as will be seen by the following 
statements of the number of firms and the value of the products, 
for the past year, are in a highly prosperous condition: 

Capital Value of 

No. Kind of Business. Invested. Products. 

4 Agricultural Implements, Plows, etc $350,000 $ 700,000 

2 Baking Powder 16,000 45,000 

2 Blank Books, Binding, etc 20,000 80,000 

2 Boiler Works 20,000 50,000 

6 Breweries 300,000 500,000 

13 Brickyards 100,000 250,000 

30 Builders and Contractors 250,000 425,000 

4 Carriage Factories 325,000 500,000 

46 Cigar Manufactories 90,000 140,000 

10 Confectionery, etc 75,000 500,000 

40 Coopershops 100,000 300,000 

2 Corn Planters 100,000 250,000 

1 File Works 12,000 45,000 

11 Flouring Mills 600,000 750,000 

6 Furniture Factories 200,000 500,000 

1 Gas Works 300,000 140,000 

2 Haypress Works 60,000 120000 

2 Heating Furnaces 40,000 1)0,000 

7 Lime and Cement 150,000 300,000 

6 Lumber, Saw Mills, etc 450,000 1,000,000 

3 Marble Works 14,000 40,000 

9 Printing Offices 200,000 220,000 

3 Organ Factories 60,000 200,000 

1 Paper Boxes 10,000 20,000 

1 Paper Mill 120,000 300,000 

5 Planing Mills 250,000 500,000 

6 Pork Packers 200,000 400,000 

30 Saddlery, etc 130,000 400,000 

2 Shirt Factories 15,000 30,000 

2 Show Cases 11,000 25,000 



20 

Capital Value of 

No. Kind of Business. Invested. Products. 

1 Stone Saw Mill 35,000 50,000 

8 Stove Works, etc 700,000 1,200,000 

1 Steam Governor Works 100,000 130,000 

1 Soap Chandlers, etc 25,000 175,000 

3 Tobacco Works 500,000 2,000,000 

2 Trunk Factories 20,000 50,000 

15 Wagon Factories 200,000 325,000 

1 Water Works 250,000 100,000 

1 Woodenware Works 15,000 22,000 

16,413,000 $14,872,000 

These statements are from the Quincy Whig of January i, 
1882, and also the further statement that improvements in build- 
ing, public and private, for the year 1881, amounted to the gross 
sum of $935,500. Freights forwarded, 578,440, and received, 
564,320 tons. The capacity of some twenty icehouses here be- 
ing in gross 173,000 tons. The total internal revenue tax col- 
lected here for 1881 amounted to $1,188,669.13. 

Of our means of commercial intercourse with other points in 
our widely extended country, through the channel of the great 
Mississippi river and by road, it is sufficient to say, that we may 
go or send to every point, with dispatch, or receive all we may 
need or use of the various products of the United States, or 
from Europe. From our own depots, we may start and reach, 
without unreasonable changes of modes of conveyance, any 
point in our broad land— the northern lakes, the Gulf of Mexico, 
the Atlantic States and ocean, or the far western regions of the 
Pacific. Such are our facilities in this regard, having now eight 
railroads and our river, that it now becomes unimportant to 
enter into details as to the lines of transportation within our 
grasp. Of our population or inhabitants, the time has passed 
for recording the names of countries from which they originally 
came. Every advancing year more and more obliterates the 
original individual nationalities of our people. To be a citizen 
of Quincy, and of the United States, is now of first importance. 
The general public has little concern now as to where a man 
was born. To be a good and an honest man is of much more 
importance. 

Upon the religious question always present with mankind 
since the days of Cain and Abel. Our fathers of the Revolution 
in forming the Constitution of the United States, made it impos- 
sible for this or any coming generation, in our country, to create 
and maintain an established Church, or the establishment by 
I 



21 



law of a Catholic Church or a Protestant Church, yet leaving all 
lawfully free to worship God according to the dictates of con- 
science and reason. To the thoughtful reader of history, this 
proposition may involve a doubt as to how much the citizens of 
the United States may have lost as well as gained by our free- 
dom. Of one thing we all may, however, rest assured, this 
country will never go back to the times of Constantine the 
Great in restoring to the State the administration of the affairs 
of religion. 

Quincy in her municipal government, like every other city of 
the United States, has not always elected her best and most 
suitable men for office. The best man seldom is willing to ac- 
cept office. The best men are generally business men, who at- 
tend to their own private affairs. The following is a full list of 
mayors of the City of Quincy, most of them good men, as the 
world goes, some of them pre-eminently so: 



Ebenezer Moore 1840 

Same 1*41 

Enoch Conyers 1842 

Same 1843 

John Wood 1844 

Same 1845 

Same 1846 

Same 1847 

John Abbe 1848 

Samuel Holmes 1N4!> 

Same 1850 

Same 185] 

John Wood 1852 

Same 1853 

James M. Pitman 1854 

Same L855 

John Wood 1856 

Sylvester Thayer 1857 

.lames M. Pitman L858 

Robert S. Benneson 1859 

Thomas Jasper I860 

J. 0. Woodruff (resigned) 1861 



Thomas Redmond 1861 

Same 1862 

Same 1863 

Same 1864 

Frederick G. Waldhaus 1865 

Maitland Boon 1866 

James M. Pitman 1867 

Presley W. Lane 1868 

Benjamin F. Berrian 1869 

Joseph G. Rowland 1870 

Same 1871 

Same 1872 

Frederick Rearick 1873 

Same 1874 

Jacob M. Smith 1875 

E H. Turner 1876 

L. D. White 1S77 

W. T. Rogers L878 

Same 1879 

J. K. Webster 1880 

Same 1881 

D. F. Deaderick 1882 



NUMBER OF TERMS SERVED. 



Moore 2 Terms 

Conyers 2 " 

Wood 7 " 

Holmes 3 " 

Pitman 4 " 



Redmond 4 Terms 

Rowland 3 " 

Rogers 2 " 

Webster 2 " 

All others but for one term. 



In all to 1882 we have had twenty-three mayors of the City 
of Quincy, now all dead but eleven. 



CHAPTER II. 



evfnts and short biographical sketches of earliest 

Settlers. 



|HERE were residing in the County prior to or soon after 
the organization of the County, under the act of January 
13, 1825, John Wood, Jeremiah Rose, Willard Keyes, Henry 
H. Snow, Earl Pierce, Justus I. Perigo, Daniel Lisle, Levi Wells, 
Levi Hadley, who became the first sheriff of the County, Joshua 
Streeter, Asher Anderson, Daniel Whipple, Peter Journey, Ira 
Pierce, Samuel Stone, Asa Tyrer, Mr. Wiggle Sr., George 
Wolf, Jacob Crow, Michael Dodd, George Campbell, Silas 
Brooks, Samuel C. Grubbs, Thomas McCreary, Rufus Brown, 
Robert Tillson, and some others. 

The list of grand jurors for the first Circuit Court, held Octo- 
ber 31, 1825, were as follows, viz.: Morrell Marston, Lewis 
Kinney, Joshua Streeter, Samuel Groshong, John Wood, John 
Droulard, Ira Pierce, Amos Bancroft, Daniel Moore, John 
Thomas, William Burritt, Zeheniah Ames, Ebenezer Hark- 
ness, Cyrus Hibbard, Luther Whitney, Hiram R. Hawley, 
Benjamin McNitt, and Samuel Stone. Marston was made 
foreman. Several of the grand jurors were of Hancock County, 
that County being attached to Adams, as before mentioned. At 
the election for Sheriff, County Commissioners and Coroner, 
July 2, 1825, the entire vote of the County did not exceed, we 
believe, seventy-five. This election completed the organization 
of the County of Adams, making Quincy the county seat. The 
first County Court was held July 4, 1825, two days after the 
election. 

Prior to this organization we have found that the County con- 
tained, including Hancock County, a population of sufficient 
number to cast seventy -five votes at the first election, and it will 
be proper here to take some notice of the men and occurring 
events prior thereto, covering the period from the first settle- 



23 

ment of the territory embraced in Adams County and the Town 
ot Quincy up to July 4, 1825. John Wood, by common testi- 
mony, may be regarded as the first settler within the present 
limits of Quincy. He died here June 4, 1880. 

John Wood was born in Moravia, Cayuga County, New 
York; was the only son of Dr. Daniel Wood and Catherine 
(Crouse) Wood. Doctor Wood, his father, was an officer in the 
war of the Revolution, and a man of large attainments as a 
scholar and linguist, and after the close of the revolutionary war 
settled in Cayuga County, where he died at the advanced age 
of 92 years. His body, in after years, was exhumed by his son, 
and is now in Woodland Cemetery. "John Wood, when about 
20 years of age, left home for the West, November 2, 1818, with 
the half-formed intention of settling in the Tennessee or Tus- 
cumbia Valley of northern Alabama. He passed the following 
winter in Cincinnati, came to Shawneetown, 111., in the summer 
of 1819, and spent the succeeding winter in Calhoun (then part 
of Madison) County. In March, 1820, in company with Willard 
Keyes, he located in Pike County, thirty miles southeast of 
Quincy, and 'farmed it' for two years." During the spring of 
1821 Mr. Wood first visited the present site of Quincy, then 
uninhabited, and soon after purchased a quarter-section of land 
near by, and in the following fall, 1822, erected a cabin, 18 by 20 
feet — the first building in Quincy, though not within the original 
town. Major Rose and family resided in this house with 
Mr. Wood for some time. He originated the project for the 
organization of Adams County, and stood by the movement 
until it was completed. In 1827 Mr. Wood temporarily resided 
at the lead mines at Galena, but substantially he resided in 
Quincy from 1822 till his death in 1880, or for fifty-eight years. 
In 1848 he, with his two elder sons, visited California and staid 
nearly a year, and twenty years later he took an overland trip 
to the Pacific coast, witnessing its wonderful development. 
"Moral or physical fear John Wood never had. Some years 
since, when on a trip to the Pacific coast, the steamer on which 
he and his wife were traveling from San Francisco to a port in 
Southern California ran upon a rock and was wrecked. The 
captain, an experienced and capable officer, sustained the disci- 
pline of the ship, so difficult on such occasions to maintain, 
and was aided by the commanding bearing of Governor Wood. 
When the boats were prepared and the women and children 
placed in them, the captain, standing by the gangway, said: 



24 

'Now, Governor Wood, you take your place.' The answer was : 
'Send these young folks first. I'm 70 years old. Save the 
young.' " "Throughout all the succeeding years after his first 
settlement he was necessarily prominently identified with every 
measure of Quincy's progress and history, — and almost con- 
stantly kept in public position. He was one of the volunteers in 
the noted Black Hawk war in 1832, when nearly every able- 
bodied man in Quincy 'went to the wars.' He was one of the 
early Town Trustees, though not one of the first; was often 
a member of the City Council; many times elected Mayor; in 
1850 was elected to the State Senate; in 1856 was chosen Lieu- 
tenant Governor, and on the death of Governor Bissell in 1859, 
succeeded to the Chief Executive chair; was selected by Gov- 
ernor Yates, who entertained the highest admiration for this 
'Old Roman,' as he often called him, as one of the five delegates 
from Illinois in February, 1861, to the Peace Convention at 
Washington; and on the breaking out of the rebellion, was ap- 
pointed Quartermaster General of the State, — which position he 
held throughout the war, and the excellent devoted services that 
he rendered to the Nation in that arduous and responsible post 
are proverbial and of record in the war history of Illinois." Gov- 
ernor Wood commanded and went to the field with the One 
Hundred and Thirty-Seventh (100 days) Infantry, leaving Quincy 
with his regiment on the 9th of June, 1864, and proceeded to 
Memphis, Tennessee, and on the 9th of July was assigned to the 
Third Brigade, he commanding, and stationed on the Hernando 
road on picket duty. His regiment was attacked by the Rebels 
and lost some men, with a few taken prisoners. During the 
attack he was confined at his headquarters by sickness, but 
rallied his forces and repelled their onset. During the earlier 
period of the war his services to the State as Quartermaster 
General were invaluable. "His liberality and benefactions were 
boundless. His public generosity is proverbially known, but no 
count can be made of the private open-handedness that ran 
through his fifty years of affluence. On his town, his city, feel- 
ing it almost as his own, his interest and pride forever rested. 
His nature was bold and frank. He had no disguises, no dis- 
simulations, no fears. 'What his heart forges that his tongue 
must utter, and being armed he even does forget there's such a 
thing as death,' could never be applied to one better than to him. 
Singularly susceptible to physical suffering, the lightest pain 
being to him an acute agony, his spirit nevertheless was in- 



25 

trepidity itself. This led him in his matured age and position, 
which might well have excused him therefrom, to yearn with 
patriotic ardor for personal participation in the late sad sectional 
strife when the Nation's life was threatened." 

The first three settlers of Quincy were John Wood, of whom 
we have the foregoing sketch, Jeremiah Rose and Willard 
Keyes. 

Jeremiah Rose was born in Stephenson, Rensselaer County, 
New York, in 1792. He was reared upon his father's farm, and 
was especially noted for feats of agility and muscle, in which he 
excelled all his young companions. He was married in 1815 to 
Miss Margaret Brown, the daughter of Major Daniel Brown, 
of Stephenson. In the fall of 182 1 he moved to Illinois, settling 
first at Atlas, in Pike County. In the fall of 1822 he had pre- 
pared to build, in partnership with John Wood, a cabin at what 
is now Quincy. Mr. Rose was, however, prostrated by sick- 
ness, when the time came for commencing work. He therefore 
hired a man to fill his place, who, aiding Mr. Wood, put up the 
cabin, into which Mr. Rose moved the following spring (1823) 
with his wife and daughter, — Mrs. Rose being thus the first 
woman settler of Quincy, and the daughter, now Mrs. George 
W. Brown, the first child resident. Mr. Rose resided in this 
place until 1826, when he sold out to Mr. Wood and bought a 
farm just north of Quincy, where he resided for ten years. 
When the first organization of the Adams County Militia was 
made, Mr. Rose was elected Major, and was always known 
afterwards as Major Rose. In 1833 he united with the First 
Congregational Church of Quincy, of which he continued a 
faithful and consistent member, shedding throughout his whole 
life a notable example of sincere piety. In 1836 he removed to 
Henderson County, residing there on his farm for fourteen 
years, returning in 1850 to Quincy, where he lived until his 
death in 1859, at tne a £ e °f 67. Major Rose took an active 
interest in all reforms and advancements, political and social. 
He was a strong Abolitionist of the old school; was always a 
generous contributor to the cause of Christian Missions, and 
ready at all times to extend the helping hand to the calls of local 
charity. He was a modest and retiring man, but his sterling 
integrity and worth were appreciated by all who knew him. 

Willard Keyes, the eldest son of Ashley Keyes and Anna 
(Willard) Keyes, was born in Newfane, Windham County, Ver- 
mont, October 28, 1792. His father was a farmer who removed 



26 

from Shrewsbury, Massachusetts, where the family had long 
lived, to Vermont about 1790. Willard, having received the 
usual practical school education of New England, worked on 
the farm, also learned the business of woolen dyeing, and taught 
school for several winters, until, at the age of 25 years, (quoting 
his own words from the commencement page of his diary:) 
"On the second day of June, A. D. 1817, being impelled by 
curiosity and a desire to see other places than those in the 
vicinity of my native town, I, Willard Keyes, started from 
Newfane, Vermont, intending to travel into the Western parts 
of the United States." Traveling by various means through 
Canada and by the Northern lakes, he reached Prairie du Chien 
on the 30th of August, 1817. There he remained, engaged in 
teaching, milling and other pursuits, until the spring of 1819, 
when, with one companion, he started on a raft for St. Louis, 
floating by the site of Quincy May 10, 1819. In March, 1820 — 
we quote again from his diary: "John Wood and myself formed 
a partnership to go on the frontiers and commence farming 
together; accordingly prepared ourselves with provisions, farm- 
ing utensils, &c, as well as our slender means would permit — 
two small yoke of steers, a young cow, and a small though 
promising lot of swine — our whole amount of property did not 
probably exceed $250. Paid $50 and $60 per yoke for small 
four-year-old steers, $17 for small heifer, 6^ cents per pound 
for fresh pork, 75 cents per bushel for corn, $8 per barrel for 
flour, $4 per bushel for salt, and other things in proportion." 
At this place in Pike County, thirty miles southeast of Quincy, 
he remained until the spring of 1824, when he moved up to 
Quincy, and built the second cabin of the city — 16 by 16 feet in 
size — which was afterwards used as the first Court Room. On 
the formation of the County, in 1825, he was chosen one of the 
County Commissioners, and acted earnestly and usefully for the 
interests of the infant settlement for many years. He was one 
of the first members of the first Church Association formed in 
Quincy in 1830, of which he was made Deacon, — a position 
faithfully maintained for forty-two years. He died on the 7th of 
February, 1872. He was married December 22, 1825, to Miss 
Laura Harkness, who died May 8, 1832; and again to Miss 
Mary C. Folsom, who died November, 1864. 

The foregoing sketches of Major Rose and Willard Keyes, 
Esq., are taken from the Rural Messenger, and were written, 
we understand, by Gen. John Tillson. 



27 

The following sketch of Asa Tyrer was written by the author 
of this book, from facts furnished by Asa Tyrer's son, Earl P. 
Tyrer, Esq., and published in 1874 m the Dollar Monthly. If 
Mr. Tyrer, who furnished the facts after the death of his father, 
was not mistaken, Asa Tyrer visited for one day the present site 
of Quincy in 1818. 

Asa Tyrer was born in Hampshire County, Massachusetts, 
October 17, 1788, of Scottish ancestry. He died at his home near 
Quincy, August 6, 1873, a ged 85 years. He first visited the Illinois 
country in 1818, for the purpose of finding a quarter section of 
land lying in the "Military Bounty Land Tract" — and which 
he had purchased from a soldier of the war of 181 2 for the sum 
of $300. At the time of this visit, there were no steamboats or 
other conveyances to be used in reaching Illinois. He provided 
himself with knapsack and provisions, with flint, steel and 
"punk," — and after wearisome days of travel, reached St. Louis, 
Missouri. Here he crossed the Mississippi river, and started 
northward for his intended home, on foot and alone. Reaching 
the Illinois river, he met there a man camped on the bank, who 
was on his way to some point about 150 miles above, with a 
skiff, containing a barrel of whisky. Mr. Tyrer spent the night 
with the voyager, skiff and barrel of whisky, and no doubt felt 
well pleased to have even such company. The next morning he 
was set over the river Illinois by the skiff-man, and pursuing the 
course of the Mississippi upwards, in due time reached the 
beautiful bluffs upon which Quincy now stands. He had ascer- 
tained from maps that the land he was in search of was situated 
near the bluff'; and he soon found it, and readily traced the lines, 
then but recently marked by the Government Surveyors. Near 
one of these lines he found the since celebrated spring, known as 
"Watson's Spring." Mr. Tyrer, on this trip up the bank of the 
river and near it, and at the point where Quincy now stands, 
saw and heard of numerous bands of Indians, herds of deer, 
and abundance of all sorts of wild game. The next day after 
finding his land, he started on his return to St. Louis. In the 
year 1822, he returned to the land by himself, and built a log 
cabin on it, at a point two miles southeast of where the Court 
House in Quincy now stands. During the year 1824, Mr. 
Tyrer's family removed to their new home. They came up the 
river in skiffs, — two being lashed together, with a platform built 
on top, where the whole family and goods rode with safety, but 
slowly up the stream. He set up a blacksmith's shop and corn 



28 

mill, which for a long time thereafter were the only mill and 
shop in what is now Adams county. Mr. Tyrer was the first 
Coroner of Adams county, and one of the first Jurymen of the 
first court. After settling and remaining near Quincy for some 
years, he removed to Galena, but always held his land here; 
and some time before his death, he returned, and died on the old 
place. 

Some of our early settlers were here long before and well re- 
membered the great historical deep snow of the winter of 1S30- 
31 — the deepest snow ever known in our State. 

In a lecture delivered some years before his decease, Mr. 
Keyes states that in September, 1821, while wending his way 
north in searching out the land, he arrived at the point where 
Vermont street now intersects the river, kindling a fire and 
spanceling out his horse, he prepared to spend the night, but 
first ascended the bluff to the circular prairie where there is 
now the Public Square (Washington Park), and from the ad- 
joining bluff took a panoramic view of the surroundings. Re- 
turning to camp, ate his lunch and slept during the night. In the 
month of February, 1821, Mr. Wood, with two men named 
Peter Flynn and Moffett came up to the present site of Quincy. 
The object of the trip was to find the quarter section of land 
owned by Flynn, upon which Governor Wood's first orchard was 
afterwards planted, and upon which land he resided at the 
time of his decease. 

It would be very satisfactory to the writer if, in addition to 
sketches of early settlers of Quincy proper, he could find room 
for more particular notice of a number of early settlers of the 
County whose names are simply mentioned herein, but he finds 
it impossible within the limits he has been obliged to prescribe. 
When Mr. Wood settled in Quincy, in December, 1822, there 
were residing within the present limits of the County, besides 
those already mentioned, Justus I. Perigo, residing on section 9, 
3 south, 8 west; Daniel Lisle, who lived in 2 south, 6 west, and 
probably Samuel Stone, for whom Stone's Prairie was named, 
who, it is alleged settled there in 1822. 



CHAPTER III. 



Organization of Adams County — The Laying Out of the 

Town — The First Sale of Lots, and Some 

Notes of Early Times and Events. 



^S^S before stated, the County of Adams was organized and 
p|^ Quincy was established as the counts' seat in July, 1825. 
The first election was held on the 2d and the first meeting of the 
County Court was held on the 4th day of July, 1825. In the 
previous month of April, 1825, two of the Commissioners, David 
Dutton and Seymour Kellogg, being the requisite majority, 
came to the house of Mr. Keyes, who was a Justice of the 
Peace of Pike County, and were by him sworn preparatory to 
their selection of the county seat for the new County of Adams. 
They fixed upon Quincy. They drove a stake in the present 
Washington Park, Kellogg laying his hand on it, said: "I de- 
clare the name of this town and county seat to be Quincy." 
The name was subsequently confirmed and reported by the 
Commissioners. At the election of July 2, 1825, Levi Wells, 
Willard Keyes and Peter Journey were elected the first County 
Commissioners. Wells then lived near where Payson is now 
located, and Peter Journey on Mill Creek. Henry II. Snow 
was appointed Clerk, he having arrived the day before the elec- 
tion, he also having been previously appointed by Judge Sawyer 
Clerk ot the Circuit Court. Levi Hadley was elected Sheriff 
and Asa Tyrer Coroner. All now dead. 

Few men, if any, have had a more general and favorable 
reputation and acquaintance in early Quincy than Henry II. 
Snow. He was at one and the same time County or Probate 
Judge, Clerk of the County and Circuit Courts, Recorder, and 
Postmaster. It may be said of him that he was an honest man 
and Christian gentleman, dying at a good old age, but retaining 
his mental faculties to the end. Judge Snow, greatly assisted by 



30 

Willard Keyes, surveyed and drew up the first plat of the town. 
In after years he called it the "Model City," the name of the 
"Gem City" was bestowed long afterwards by the new-coming 
second or third generation. The County being named Adams, 
the Town Quincy, to complete the full name of the then Presi- 
dent of the United States, the public square, now called Wash- 
ington Park, was called "John's Square," or "John's Prairie." 
This name was bestowed by those present when the stake was 
driven, though the early plats of the city omitted the name 
"John's Square." Judge Snow, who afterwards made the first 
town plat, was not present when the stake was driven. The 
first message of John Quincy Adams, delivered March 4, 1825, 
reached the County on the day the county seat was located, and 
to give the new President the full compliment of naming our new 
county seat for him, the men ol that early day added "John" 
for the only public square in the original town. It is perhaps to 
be regretted that it was ever named differently. It is proper to 
remark, that no persons besides Wood, Rose and family and 
Keyes liyed in Quincy prior to the 4th of July, 1825. 

The first election and the first County Court was held in the 
house of Mr. Keyes, near the corner of the present Vermont and 
Front streets; curiously enough Mr. Keyes had built his first 
cabin near the spot where he had previously camped for a night 
in September, 1821. 

On Wednesday, November 9, 1825, the Commissioners made 
an order employing Henry H. Snow to survey the Town of 
Quincy, and to draw plats thereof, and on the 13th of December, 
following, the plat having been prepared was acknowledged by 
the Court for record, this acknowledgment was simply a state- 
ment in the record that it had been acknowledged. On the 4th 
of March, 1829, however, it was again acknowledged by White, 
Stone and Frazier, County Commissioners. The original Town 
of Quincy was laid out upon the northwest quarter of section 
two (2), township two (2), south of the base line, range nine (9), 
west of the fourth principal meridian. This tract was entered by 
the County under an act of Congress of May 26, 1824, granting 
pre-emptions to counties and parishes for county seats. The 
patent for the tract is dated February 13, 1832, and is signed by 
Andrew Jackson, then President, and by Elijah Hay ward, Com- 
missioner of the General Land Office. This patent is recorded 
in Book B, at page 257, of the Adams County Records of Deeds, 
and it runs to Adams County. This quarter is a little less than 



31 

one hundred and sixty acres. The land was entered at Ed- 
wardsville by George Frazier, Philip W. Martin and Samuel 
Stone, County Commissioners, in trust for Adams County, as 
late as the 26th day of April, 1830, I believe, before the tract 
was brought into market. 

The original town contained two hundred and thirty lots, the 
general size of which is 99x198 feet. Agreeably to public notice 
previously given, the County offered for sale on the 13th of 
December, 1825, a number of these town lots in the new county 
seat of Adams County at public auction to the highest bidder. 
Fifty-one lots were sold to different individuals for the aggre- 
gate amount of $714 — the highest price given for a lot was $38, 
which was considered enormously heavy dealing in real estate. 
This price was paid by Willard Keyes for the lot on the north 
side of Vermont street, on the public landing. 

In the early days of Quincy most of the boats that landed here 
came to the shore opposite or near the foot of said Vermont 
street — the comparative gradual ascent from the river to the top 
of the hill. by the way of Vermont street, made the west end of 
that street, in early times, the usual way of travel to reach the 
high lands of the town. 

A number of the lots were sold at five dollars each. On the 
15th of the same month, nineteen other lots were sold for the 
aggregate sum of eighty-two dollars. The sale made in 1837 
by the County for the purpose of raising money to build our 
brick court house, though it embraced only about ten lots, 
brought more money than the aggregate of all amounts pre- 
viously realized by the County for lots sold. Not exceeding 
twenty-five or thirty persons attended the first sale of lots. 

In 1823, Mr. Wood raised, without a fence, a crop of corn 
upon the land purchased, we believe, of Flynn; as was usual the 
corn-field was also planted with pumpkins, and the crop of both 
was abundant. On one occasion Mr. Wood caught an Indian 
carrying oft* a load of the pumpkins, halted him and made him 
lay down the spoil, but after trying to convince the Indian that 
it was wrong to steal — the savage not appearing to understand 
a word that was said — our old settler concluded to <Ave back 
the pumpkins, adding a large watermelon. Whereupon the In- 
dian, with evident satisfaction, attempted to express his thanks. 
He had not learned much good English in his intercourse with 
traders and frontiersmen, and what he had learned was likely to 
be misapplied, yet he tried his best, laying his hand gently upon 



32 

Mr. Wood's shoulder, he said, "You are a big rascal," — by this 
he only meant, "You are a good Chemoka man" (white man). 

In the spring of the year that Mr. Wood moved to Quincy, 
or soon after, he was joined here by Mr. Rose. Some Indians 
came along and one of their number died. They buried him in 
a sitting position against a tree not far from Mr. Wood's house. 
They had built up around the body a sort of a tomb of wood, 
bark and sticks, the odor of this becoming disagreeable, Wood 
and Rose set fire to the pile and burned up the whole concern. 
This was the first cremation here at the hands of white men. 
They had some trouble in satisfactorily arranging the insult to 
the red men implied in the act. They had to give the Indians 
some compensation, which consisted, among other things, of a 
hog, this the Indians killed and eat, thus squaring the account. 

In illustration of the hardships encountered by our early 
settlers, I may mention that they had to go to Dutton's, in Pike 
County, to have their plows sharpened and other repairs of 
tools and implements made. They had to go to Atlas, 40 miles, 
to a horse mill for corn-meal; the only flour they -got was 
bought from keel-boats going up the river to the United States 
forts. This flour came from Ohio. Mr. Wood also used a 
hand-mill of his own construction — never patented. The first 
three cabins built at Quincy were constructed without nails or 
tools except an ax and an auger; all the fastenings were made 
with wooden pins; the auger that bored the holes was used in 
the hand mill by Wood for a mill-spindle. The first grist mill 
in the County was a horse mill built in 1824 by Slater in 3 south, 
8 west. The first saw mill in the County was built by Bancroft 
and Moore, probably the same year, at the point on Mill Creek 
where Coffman's mill was afterwards erected. 

It will be recollected that in 1824 Asa Tyrer came to his land 
near Quincy with his family and set up a blacksmith shop and 
corn mill — perhaps this mill was a small concern, as but little 
mention is made of it. Mr. Keyes, however, states that Mr. 
Tyrer constructed a mortar to beat corn into hominy. There 
was a spring branch about a quarter of a mile from his house 
that tumbled over a fall of rock of about six feet, and he con- 
ceived the idea of making this waterfall pound his hominy, so 
adjusting a sweep and a pestle to fit his mortar at one end, at 
the other end he placed a trough of two or three gallons capac- 
ity immediately under the waterfall; as the trough filled it de- 
scended and raised the pestle, the water was then discharged 



33 

from the trough, and the pestle end becoming heaviest came down 
with force upon the corn in the mortar, thus producing about 
three strokes per minute, and by constant pounding, day and 
night, it made several quarts of hominy daily. Tyrer did not 
seek a patent for this. The story that a coon got mashed up in 
in the machine, Mr. Keyes thought apocryphal. 

Daniel Whipple built Whipple's Mill, near the town, in 1827. 
Wood and Keyes, to induce him to build a mill, deeded to him 
the one hundred and sixty acres of land upon which the same 
was to be erected, for the nominal sum of thirty dollars. This 
old Whipple's Mill at first had small capacity the stones be- 
ing only twelve inches in diameter, and like "the mills of the 
gods," it ground slow, but not like them, wondrous fine. Still 
it was a benefit to the early inhabitants of this part of the 
County. What might be called mill facilities were deficient 
until the erection in about 1833 of the Quincy Steam Mill, a 
large and well constructed mill, which ran on for several years 
until others were erected. This mill stood west of Front street, 
not far from the present site of the Tellico Mills. The three first 
houses erected within the present limits of Quincy, were first 
that of John Wood, in 1822-3, the second that of Willard Keyes, 

in 1824, and the third that of Droulard, in the fall of 1824. 
< 

For several years prior to the election held the first Monday 
in August, 1824, there was a large or considerable party in the 
State in favor of calling a convention, with the avowed object of 
changing our Constitution so as to make Illinois a slave-holding 
State. The election of that date was to decide the question 
whether the convention should be called or not. Mr. Wood 
was greatly interested in this election, and went up as far as 
Montibello, now Nauvoo, to rally the voters against the conven- 
tion, and with all the voters from Montibello, or Nauvoo, to 
Atlas, he appeared at the Atlas precinct, making in all one 
hundred voters. The vote was ninety-seven against the con- 
vention to three for it. The projected convention was beaten 
and that ended the the attempt to make Illinois a slave-holding 
State. Governor Wood always felt proud of his efforts in help- 
ing to defeat the proposed convention. Of the three who voted 
for it, he said "Lord Coke," J. W. Whitney, Esq., was one, and 
the Governor long remembered it. 

It is stated that the first steamboat that landed here, or that 
came up the upper Mississippi thus far, was called the Western 
Enterprise, and took on board Asa Tyrer, who was here in 

3 



34 

search of his land. This was in 1820. The figure-head of the 
boat was a serpent, which spit fire. If this date is correct, and 
it is from notes written by Captain Phillips from statements made 
by Governor Wood himself, Mr. Tyrer's first visit to his land 
near Quincy could not have been as early as 1818, unless he 
made two visits here before 1822, which is not probable, though 
possible. The next steamboat, within the knowledge of settlers, 
that passed up was the old Indiana, in about 182 1 or 1822, com- 
manded by Captain Newman, who refused to land at this place. 
Our earliest settlers, though cut off by distance and the want of 
modern modes of transportation, were not badly oft* for some- 
thing good to eat. They had hominy, corn bread, pork, veni- 
son, wild turkey, prairie chickens, wild geese, ducks, and fish 
from the river; and for sweetening, abundance of wild honey, 
and they had pretty soon, vegetables, roasting ears of corn, 
pumpkins, and melons. It was only before their first crop that 
they sometimes had scarcity of living. In a land almost literally 
flowing with milk and honey, they sometimes felt the pangs of 
real hunger. 

As late as the year 1832, when the Black Hawk war broke 
out, the Indians, principally of the Sac and Fox tribes, were 
very numerous at and around Quincy. The shores of the river 
were frequently covered with their tents and wigwams for a 
distance both above and below the town. They traded with the 
whites both in the town and the surrounding country — as they 
came in from their hunting excursions they imported feathers, 
dressed deer skins, moccasins, beeswax, honey, maple sugar, 
grass floor mats, venison hams, muskrat, coon and mink skins, 
and game generally. These Indians were generally peaceable 
when sober ; they frequently had a beggar and squaw dances, 
sending round the hat for ten-cent pieces, not unlike our more 
modern organ grinders and street singers. 

In very early times our settlers very often used coffee made 
of coffee-nut, which grew in our bottoms; sassafras tea, made of 
the roots of sassafras, was used in the spring as a blood purifier, 
and it was found more useful than our present patent medicines 
are found to be. Sugar was worth twenty-five cents a pound ; 
honey was frequently sold by the barrel, retailed at thirty- 
seven and one-half cents per gallon ; beeswax sold for twenty-five 
cents a pound. It was a common saying that beeswax was 
land office money, and coon skins common currency. The 
usual price of a bee tree as it stood in the forest was a dollar. 



35 

The man who first found it marked the tree with his name or 
initials, and his title was respected and never disputed. These bee 
trees were often exchanged in trade for stock and other prop- 
erty. Such trade as is here mentioned was carried on by people 
raising small crops of corn and potatoes until the year 1832, 
though in the meantime some merchants had settled here. The 
first was Asher Anderson, from Maryland, who, as early as 
1826 opened a store here in Brown's log tavern, with a stock, 
chiefly groceries, calicos, flannels and domestics, of the aggre- 
gate value of about $1,000. Mr. Anderson traded a good deal 
with the Indians for articles brought in by them — his trade with 
the whites was mainly upon the credit system — there was but 
little money in circulation. In 1828, Tillson & Holmes 
opened a store on the north side of the square with a stock 
worth about $1,000. These gentlemen were Robert Tillson 
and Charles Holmes; this was the second store started here. 
Both of these gentlemen are still living. 



CHAPTER IV. 



The First Term of the Circuit Court of Adams County 

— Geographical Description of Quincy— Notes of 

the Slow Progress of the Town Up to 

1834 — The Cholera in 1833, AND 

Miscellaneous Events 

and Sketches. 



gijjpHE first Circuit Court was held on the 31st day of Octo- 
||lls ber, 1825; a temple of justice was made of Keyes' cabin, 
His Honor, John York Sawyer, presiding, a spectator remarks, 
whose corpulency filled no inconsiderable space in the house; 
the Prosecuting Attorney attending was James Turney ; Alfred 
W. Caverly and John Turney, Members of the Bar, attended. 
The Grand Jury was empanneled in the shed or porch in front, 
built expressly for their accommodation. After being sworn and 
charged, they retired to the shade of a large oak tree near by 
to deliberate. They found five indictments, three against 
Thomas McCreary, one against Silas Brooks, and one against 
Henry Jacobs — all for fighting. Keyes' house, where this 
Court was held, had in one corner a bed, in another a cupboard, 
a barrel of vinegar somewhere, and a table on the floor. The 
Clerk sat on one side of the table, and the Judge on the other 
— he weighed, they tell us, 380 pounds. One of the Lawyers 
made a loud, ranting speech, and another one said it was like a 
tempest in a teapot. There was little or no business upon the 
common law and chancery dockets. Snow, who had been ap- 
pointed Clerk, was reappointed and gave bond. It, however, 
appears that Willard Keyes had received a temporary appoint- 
ment from Judge Sawyer, May 28, 1825, as Clerk, and took the 
oath of office the same day before Sawyer, but I believe never 
performed any of the duties of the office or gave bond. 



It may be here stated as a historical fact that in the year 1813 
two regiments of Mounted Rangers of Illinois and Missouri, 
commanded by General Howard, made an expedition through 
the western part of Illinois, substantially starting from or near 
Edwardsville, and after crossing the Illinois river into what is now 
Calhoun County, they marched up the Mississippi river, as near 
to the stream as the state of the country permitted, to the point 
where Quincy is now located. At this point they burned and 
destroyed the Indian wigwams, and probably the French trading 
establishments found here, in retaliation for Indian barbarities 
upon our frontier settlements. The expedition was mainly in- 
tended to drive the Indians north of the Rock river. They had 
no serious fighting with the Indians, and marched across the 
country to old Fort Peoria, which they rebuilt and named Fort 
Clark. From thence they marched through the country east of 
the Illinois river, then unsettled, to their rendezvous, at or near 
Edwardsville. In this expedition there were three men who 
afterwards became Governors — John Reynolds and Thomas 
Carlin, of Illinois, and McNair, of Missouri. 

It is stated in a historical sketch by Mr. Keyes, that the site 
upon which Quincy now stands was known fifty years ago — 
now seventy years — as the old Sauk village, from the tribe 
of Indians called by the French "Sacs," or Saukees, who once 
occupied the country from Rock river to the mouth of the 
Illinois. The village was a favorite post for "fur traders," who 
went among the Indians for traffic. The remains of their estab- 
lishments were visible on Front street many years after Quincy 
was laid out. Mr. Keyes also relates the story of an old French- 
man named Bauvet, who, it was thought, buried here two kegs 
of French crowns, which are probably still in his hiding place, 
as he was soon after killed by the Indians, and never told where 
his treasure was buried. Also he tejls us the well-authenticated 
story that some traders or keel boat men going up the river in a 
keel boat got caught in the bay, finding that from its head there 
was no outlet to the main channel of the river, and they had to 
come back some three miles and pull along outside of the great 
bay island. It appears that the early French traders and 
Indians called all white Americans "Bostonians," and to perpet- 
uate the joke of these supposed smart Bostonians getting into 
this pocket, they called the bay "Boston Bay." Now, as Boston 
is so far off and Quincy so near, we had perhaps better let the 
new name of "Quincy Bay" stand; besides, all these traders and 



38 

Indians, here when the mistake was made, like Christopher 
Columbus, are now dead. 

The City of Quincy lies a few miles south of the fortieth 
degree of north latitude and in about fourteen degrees of west 
longitude from Washington, on the east bank of the Mississippi 
river, 160 miles by water above St. Louis, no miles west of 
Springfield, the State capital, 264 miles from Chicago and Lake 
Michigan, and about 360 miles by water above the mouth of the 
Ohio river. The location is highly favored by nature. Its lati- 
tude and soil furnishes rich growths of all kinds of grain, grapes, 
and all kinds of fruits common to the temperate zone. The 
rapid growth of trees is marvellous. The situation of Quincy 
upon the Mississippi, 800 miles below the head of navigation 
and connecting with all the navigable streams of the great valley 
of the Mississippi, in the heart of a region of country abounding 
in timber of the best kind, and where coal and limestone in in- 
exhaustible quantities are found at not inconvenient distances, 
and withal pre-eminently healthy, seems to leave nothing more 
to be asked from the bounties of nature, With the blessing of 
the Creator, our continued prosperity seems placed in the hands 
of our own people. The bluffs or high ground upon which the 
main part of Quincy stands is a sub-stratum of limestone, 
covered in some places with mounds of sandy soil and in others 
with rich alluvium, at a general elevation of 150 feet above the 
river and the neighboring and opposite bottom lands, this being 
the only point on the east side of the river at which the blurts 
strike the river, without intervening bottom lands, for a distance 
of eighty or ninety miles down the river, and for forty miles up 
the river, where the bluffs strike the river at Warsaw. The 
river in front of the public landing is one mile wide. Running 
along under the northwest side of the city is the beautiful bay, 
which has been mentioned. This sheet of water is completely 
land-locked, and affords a safe and convenient harbor for boats. 
The Government at Washington has lately done some work 
upon this bay in connection with improvements to the naviga- 
tion of the river, but much remains to be done to prevent its 
obstruction from filling up through washings from the bluffs and 
shores above. In 1834, when the writer first saw this bay, it 
was the most beautiful sheet of water to be found in all the 
great west, connecting with the Mississippi river. 

Of the Mississippi river itself, we, who live upon its banks 
and are daily and yearly observers of its magnitude and power, 



39 
are apt to look upon it with careless interest. With its sources 
almost in the extreme north, it pushes along its great current 
till it pours its floods into the Gulf of Mexico, and in its progress 
to the sea through a distance of over three thousand miles it 
receives numerous tributaries, many of them larger than the 
greatest rivers of Europe, adding to its volume of water and 
giving its current an almost resistless force. Whilst it carries 
upon its bosom an amount of trade and commerce almost 
greater than the whole outside commerce of the United States, 
it is besides the strongest chain which holds our Union together, 
and proclaims to all the world that the United States of America 
can never be permanently divided so long as it runs to the sea. 
God save our Mississippi! "The Father of Waters." 'Tis true 
that sometimes in his annual floods he seems to crowd us a little 
too much. It is not strange that Father Marquette, with Joliet, 
when they discovered this great river, fell upon their knees in 
awe and thankfulness to God. 

The first store license issued in Adams County was to Messrs. 
Russell & Farnham, who were selling goods to the Indians at 
Fort Edwards, now Warsaw. Hancock County then being at- 
tached to Adams for all County purposes. In 1826 a log Court 
House was built by the County east of and near the southeast 
corner of the Public Square. It was a very poor Court House, 
and was burned down during the winter of 1835-6. Rufus 
Brown put up a large log house on the ground now covered by 
the Quincy House, which was used as a tavern. Several smaller 
log houses were erected during the year 1826. The following 
statement from the records, purporting to be the account of 
Levi Hadley, the first Sheriff of the County, and exhibited in 
open Court as his account current with the County for that year, 
is as follows, viz. : 

To Amount of Tax List $48 25 

From Rufus Brown, Tavern License 1 00 

From Henry Jacobs, Two Fines for Fighting 6 00 

Whole Amount |55 25 

It is alleged that the tax list for the year preceding, if there 
was any made, was never collected, or was not sufficient to pay 
expenses of assessment, &c. Wesley Williams was the first 
Treasurer. During the year several more log buildings were 
erected. A very great emigration to Galena — the lead mines — 
took place from this part of the country. They were mere 
temporary emigrants, going up in the spring of the year to 



40 

operate in the mines and coming down in the fall. Hence the 
name of "Suckers" was applied to Illinoisans, because, like the 
sucker fish, they ran up stream in the spring and ran down in 
the fall. Previously but few steamboats were seen on the upper 
Mississippi. Boats had occasionally gone up to to the military 
posts at Prairie du Chien and St. Peters. Up to this time boats 
generally did not deign to pay our young town the compliment of 
landing upon our shore. This year brought our first drinking 
places. They gave rise to a good deal of disorder, revelry, and 
additional pugnacity. In 1828 a few additional buildings of the 
primitive sort were erected, with about the same increase of 
population. There is now, however, no authentic means of 
ascertaining the exact number of inhabitants of the place in that 
year. It is only certain that there were but very few persons 
residing in the town up to the end of 1828. The first sermon 
preached in Quincy, it is stated, was listened to by a small body 
of Methodists. The preacher was from Morgan county. I 
have not certainly learned his name, but a Methodist preacher 
named Bogart was here and preached in 1828. A Baptist 
preacher, Mr. Roberts, also preached here that summer. 
J. Porter, a Presbyterian clergyman, the first of that denomina- 
tion preached here, and remained here until his death, in 1829. 
In the year 1827 a few citizens purchased of the county a lot for 
eight dollars, on which to erect a school house, to belong to the 
school district. A log school house was built upon it, and which 
was still standing when the writer came to this place, in 1834. 
It stood west of the block of wholesale buildings north of 
Hampshire street, near the corner of Third and Hampshire, on 
the bluff. About twenty-five scholars attended this first school, 
which was taught, we believe, by Wesley Williams, Esq. The 
school continued three months ot that year, and was continued 
the next year. It appeared that some of our citizens did not 
duly appreciate its advantages. One man, who had several 
children, sent his daughter, aged 15, three days, and then with- 
drew her, saying that Lizzie had been three days in school and 
hadn't "learnt a hooter." 

The first mail, from Carrollton by way of Atlas, came to 
Quincy in 1825. Judge Snow was Postmaster, and kept the 
postoffice at Mr. Wood's house. This was then the north- 
ernmost postoffice, and from and for the military posts as far 
up as St. Peters expresses were sent to Quincy for the mails 
designed for them. Two soldiers were generally sent with the 
mails. The office in Wood's house was kept in a pine chest. 



41 

In 1829 two or more frame buildings were put up. The first, 
by Robert Tillson, was two stories high. The lumber was 
rafted down the river from the Waconda Mills, in Missouri. 
One was built by Mr. Keyes under the hill near his cabin, and 
was long used as a tavern. Rufus Brown built a small frame 
addition to his tavern; and Hull this year made the first bricks. 
Mr. Tillson's building was used for many years as the postoffice. 
It stood on the corner of Fourth and Maine streets. 

As before stated, many of our people during the years 1828 
and 1829, both from the Country and the Town, went to Galena 
to dig for lead, some of whom were quite successful, among 
them Walter Emory, Joshua Streeter and others. The first 
Sheriff of our County, Levi Hadley, went also, and in a fit of 
mental derangement, near Galena, jumped off a steamboat and 
was drowned. Our second Sheriff, Earl Pierce, as late as 1836 
made his grand lope for the South and Texas, leaving the 
County of Adams and many of its citizens his everlasting cred- 
itors. Captain Pierce was a fine-looking, intelligent and influ- 
ential Democrat of the Jacksonian persuasion. 

Some of our old settlers have stated that our Quincy society 
improved greatly in 1830. A Temperance Society was formed, 
consisting of about twelve sober people, pledged to abstain from 
the use of and traffic in ardent spirits. Not long after the Presi- 
dent of the Society, it was alleged, got drunk on wine. The 
Society changed its Constitution and adopted the principle of 
total abstinence. We are sorry to be compelled to say the 
habit has never since become universal in the town. Great 
eloquence and effort has been put forth within the last forty 
years to advance the cause of temperance. Much labor and 
personal sacrifice has been made. One very remarkable instance 
occurs, namely, that orator and ex-Englishman, John B. Gough, 
has made by his lectures not much over $100,000, and still 
lives hopefully. 

The town in 1830 contained about 200 inhabitants. Some 
improvements were made, and Asher Anderson, our first mer- 
chant, built the first brick house. It was an addition to his 
small frame storehouse on the north side of Maine street, a little 
east of the corner of Third street. In this house Asher Ander- 
son and his wife both died the same day, of cholera, in 1833. 
In this year, 1830, the Presbyterian Church, which was after- 
wards changed into the First Congregational Church, was 
organized by the Rev. Asa Turner, who was its first pastor. In 



42 

this year Isaac Sawyer, Jr., took from Quincy our first exports, 
consisting of the products of the County. His cargo put upon 
a flatboat, consisted of live hogs, corn and onions, and was 
started for the New Orleans market. How far down he went 
the history don't say. D. G. Whitney, our greatest early mer- 
chant, came here and opened a store, which, with former 
additions to our first two, made the fifth in the town. 

In 183 1 four or five frame buildings were erected, besides 
several log ones. The old Quincy Steam Mill before mentioned 
was built, and it was thought that improvements were advanc- 
ing rapidly. The prices of lots raised, and brighter hopes were 
entertained in regard to destiny of the town. This year the 
United States Land Office for the Quincy district was estab- 
lished here. The first entry of land was on the 14th of Decem- 
ber, 1831, and only seventeen entries were made the whole of 
the next year. The number of entries since were about 
eighteen thousand. Samuel Alexander was the first Register 
and Thomas Carlin the first Receiver. John Wood laid out his 
first addition to Quincy. An addition was also laid out by 
Droulard. Droulard's addition was afterwards covered by 
Wheelock's and other additions, east of the old town plat. John 
E. Jeffries built the Land Office Hotel. 

In the spring of 1832 the celebrated Black Hawk war was 
enacted. Quincy and the surrounding country sent two large 
companies of volunteers to fight the Indians. There was a 
great deal of excitement here about the war, and especially upon 
that morning when the volunteers departed for the supposed 
bloody fields of battle. Of this war we do not propose to say 
much. Have we not "Wakefield's History of the Black Hawk 
War," and is not that enough? Of those patriotic men who 
went forth upon that spring morning to fight the Indians, we 
believe upon the return of the expedition not one was missing, 
but they showed their pluck and had a "heap of fun," as well as 
some hard times. John Wood, O. H. Browning, Dick Green, 
Michael Mast and others were among them ; from the County, 
William G. Flood and many others ; and from Schuyler County, 
we believe, William A. Richardson and others. At the close of 
this year the population of Quincy was estimated at about 400 
persons. 

It was in the year 1833 that fatal disease, cholera, first made 
its advent here. On the 4th of July, when many of the people 
were preparing to go to the point where Ursa is now located, 



43 

then Peter Vannest's store, to attend a barbecue, that the disease 
made its appearance here. Two or three of those who had 
prepared to go to this barbecue were attacked by the disease, 
and died before sundown of that day. The utmost consterna- 
tion prevailed. Many with pale and frightened visage left the 
devoted place in great haste. Within the next five days, Judge 
Snow informed the writer, thirty-three deaths from cholera 
occurred. One gentleman, Mr. Browning who so informed the 
writer, had by himself to take a corpse to the cemetery, dig a 
grave and inter it. Finally the cholera disappeared, but not 
without leaving many vacant places in many families. As 
illustrating the action of some of our well-remembered old time 
inhabitants of 1833, we here insert the record of their proceed- 
ings upon this first visitation of Asiatic cholera. The record is 
is in the well-known hand-writing of the late Hon. Orville H. 
Browning. It will be perceived that the poor fellows had but 
little money, but they had brave and generous hearts. 

At a meeting of the citizens of Qnincy, held at the Court House, in 
Quincy, Saturday, the 6th of July, 1833, to consult upon the means of pre- 
venting the further spread of cholera, and to adopt measures for the relief 
of the sick, William G. Flood, Esq., was called to the Chair, and O. H. 
Browning appointed Secretary of the meeting. 

On motion, ordered that Thomas Ford, J. T. Holmes and George Taylor 
be appointed a Committee to draft resolutions, and report to the meeting. 

The Committee retired, and after some time reported the following reso- 
lutions, to-wit : 

Resolved, That the Town of Quincy shall be divided into three districts, 
and Committees of Vigilance appointed in each district. 

Resolved, That all that part of Town lying north of Hampshire street 
shall be called the northern district, and that R.S.Green, Henry Bateman, 
Thomas Thompson, Peter Hynes and Harrison Kemp be appointed a Com- 
mittee of Vigilance therein. 

Resolved, That all that part of Town lying between Maine and Hamp- 
shire streets shall be called the center district, and that 0. H. Browning, 
George Taylor, Thomas King, Joseph Kelly and J. M. Higbee be appointed 
a Committee of Vigilance therein. 

Resolved, That all that part of Town lying south of Maine street shall 
be called the south district, and that J.T. Holmes, William < ;. Flood, Rufus 
Brown, E. S. Freeman and E. Pierce be appointed a Committee of Vigilance 
therein. 

Resolved, That J. T. Holmes, 0. H. Browning and R. S. Green, Chairmen 
of the Committees of Vigilance, shall constitute a Board of Health for the 
Town of Quincy ; that they shall meet at the Court House each morning 
at eight o'clock, and oftener if necessary, and shall have power to make all 
necessary arrangements to procure attendance and nourishment for the 
sick, and burial for the dead. 



44 

Resolved, That each district Committee shall, early each morning, ascer- 
tain the names and residence of the sick within his district, and shall make 
all necessary arrangements for their attendance and nourishment until a 
meeting of the Board of Health, to whom they shall be reported. 

The meeting concurred in the foregoing resolutions. 

Ordered that the meeting adjourn, and that the Board of Health meet 
to-morrow morning at eight o'clock. 

The remainder of this ancient record, which is before me, in the hand 
writing of Hon. O. H. Browning, the then Secretary, embraces the proceed- 
ings of the Board of Health, and the reports of Committeemen, and the 
action taken therein, together with the names of the sick, from the 6th to 
the 10th of July only. The cholera broke out here on the 4th of July, 
though Dr. Ralston, who came here in June, 1833, thinks there was a few 
cases before the 4th of July. The number of cases of sickness — not all, 
however, of cholera — reported for the 7th of July was forty-three, in a popu- 
lation of about 400. The disease seems not to have continued with great 
severity long. The actual number of deaths from cholera is not stated in 
the record. Among those reported sick we find many old familiar names, 
who did not die then. Few of them, however, are now a)ive. Of the 
Board of Health not one is left. This little record is deemed of interest 
as showing how the pioneers met the crisis of that terrible disease, 
cholera, when it first appeared here. They were strong men on our hills 
in that day — the true mettle, and with kind hearts and brave minds they 
did their duty. 

The poor fellows did not have much money then, 'tis true. The follow- 
ing is all the statement of their finances made in the record. The Treasu- 
rer, Levi B.Allen, exhibited his account, showing (July 10) receipts by him : 

From subscriptions, of $20 95 

Disbursed for C. P. Anderson's family 4 00 

Balance in hands of Treasurer $22 95 

This balance, I presume, did not last long, but if they had but little 
money they had power to work and help. One of the orders of the Board 
of Health reads : "On motion, ordered that George Taylor and Earl Pierce 
clean the jail of Quincy." This is one of several orders where they either 
resolved that this or that man should do this or that, or to do it them- 
selves, and it was done. The Board of Health and 'the Committeemen had 
frequently not only to wait upon and attend the sick, but to bury the dead, 
some of them digging the graves. 

The population of the town at the end of 1833 and beginning 
of 1834 was estimated at about 500 souls. It was during this 
year, 1834, that the Matthew Bayne census of householders was 
taken, and which will be found in the next chapter. Though 
very imperfect, this census will enable me to mention the names 
of some old settlers which otherwise might be omitted; and 
besides, I shall from my own knowledge be able to make some 
corrections as to names, and to add a few names I know to have 
been omitted. There will also be found among the names some 
whom I know were not householders. 



CHAPTER V. 



Trip of the Writer Across Illinois — The Appearance of 

QUINCY IN THE FALL OF 1834 — MATTHEW BaYNE's 

Census of 1834 — The Execution of Bennett 

for Killing Baker — The First Town 

Ordinance, and Miscellaneous 

Matters and Events. 



MATTHEW BAYNE'S CENSUS OF HEADS OF FAMILIES IN 1834-5. 



William P. Reader, 
Thaddeua Monroe, 
George Wood, 
Skinner & Berry, 
J. R. M. LeRoy, 
William S. Walton, 
Samuel Naylor, 
Anton Delabar, 
Mrs. Marshall, 
John McDade, 
William Hynes, 
Mr. Donaho, 
N. Pease, 
Joseph Morgan, 
Willard Keyes, 
Benjamin Munn, 
John Watts, 
Mrs. Ball, 
Brazilla Clark, 
George W. Hight, 
.Mr. Dale, 

Nathaniel Summers, 
D. G. Whitney & Co., 
Amzi ( '. Root, 
Mr. Farmer, 
Robert Tillson, 
Louis Cosson, 



D. Eaton, 
Levi B. Allen, 
Mr. Chambers, 
H. Clark, 
Mr. Norwood, 
L. B. Skinner, 
Mr. Stephens, 
C. Fairhelms, 
Joseph Charles, 
H. Crin, 
Mathews & Co., 
A. C. Lightfoot, 
Mrs. Keller, 
Charles Brown, 
John Burns, Jr., 
Adam Nichols, 
Rufus Brown, 
William L. King, 
A. Pearce, 
Earl Pierce, 
Ira Pierce, 
Robert Bangs, 
Elizabeth Williams, 
I. Funk, 
David Karnes, 
Mr. Mason, 
I. Phillips, 



46 

Henry B. Swartz, Mr. Brangler, 

Sam Leachman, Mr. Linnaman, 

Lewis R. Carter, George Westgate, 

James McQuoid, S. F. Safford, 

Thomas C. King, A. Larner, 

S. W. Rogers, Amos W. Harris, 

Joseph N. Ralston, Levi Wells, 

Milton D. Browning, George Brown, 

Orville H. Browning, Joseph T. Holmes, 

Stephen B. Horseman, Dr. Eells, 

Archibald Williams, Luther Edgerton, 

R. R. Williams, John P. Richardson, 

James H. Ralston, J. L. Hornsby, 

Samuel Alexander, Adam Schmitt, 

David Walker, Mr. Rop, 

Joseph Musser, Henry H. Snow, 

Harrison Dills, Lorenzo Bull, 

Mr. Hess, Seth L. Pitkin. 

Anton Guth, Henry L. Montandon, 

John Black, Mr. Jackson, 

Martin Ladner, L. Lilly, 

George Watson, Mr. Deckman, 

John Blow, Mr. Lane, 

Thomas Miller, Samuel Hedges, 

Mr. Forsythe, Mrs. Williams, 

Mrs. Dobbins, Michael Mast, 

Mr. Mitchell, James D. Morgan, 

Moses Jones, Edward Wells, 

Reuben Turner, Henry Asbury, 

John Wood, William Dickhut, 

Francis C. Moore, John L. Moore. 

At the end of the list of names, and counting the number set 
down opposite to each name as the number of his or her house- 
hold, the following synopsis is found: 

Whole number 689 

Males over 21 years of age 297 

Females over 21 years of age 118 

Males under 21 years of age 139 

Females under 21 years of age 128 

— 682 
Merchants, 21; lawyers, 6; doctors, 6. 

Settlers over 1 year 341 

Settlers under 1 year 302 

— 643 

So this old census contains in its whole numbers a small 
error of at least forty-six names too many. I have always sup- 
posed it too large, and that our population at the end of 1834 
did not exceed 600, if so many. I find added and attached to 



47 

this old census, in a different handwriting from the body of it 
and evidently made as late as the end of 1835, a table and 
synopsis of matters relating to Quincy, and which, as it affords 
a kind of starting point in the advance of the town, I herewith 
print it. The reader will please consider it as pertaining to the 
end of the year 1835. Thus it runs: 

Ten stores; four groceries; two drug stores; one land office; 
one land agency office; one postoffice; one printing office; one 
bonnet store; one mantua-maker and milliner shop; one silver- 
smith shop; one baker shop; two warehouses; two taverns — the 
Land Office Hotel and Quincy Hotel; three cooper shops, three 
cabinet-maker shops; twenty-one merchants; one pork mer- 
chant; six lawyers; six physicians; three tavern-keepers; twenty 
carpenters; two saddlers; two coopers; three blacksmiths; one 
coach-maker; two boot and shoe makers; one stone mason; 
two bakers; three tailors; two wagon-makers; two butchers; 
one wheelwright; two plasterers; one gunsmith; one chair- 
maker; two brick masons; one steam mill; one carding- 
machine. The Town had five mails by post-coaches and stages. 
Number of houses, one hundred and fifteen; under one year old, 
twenty-two. 

The Town of Quincy was, on the 24th day of June, 1834, * n ~ 
corporated by conforming to the State law, granting to towns 
the right of becoming so incorporated. A. Williams, S. W. 
Rogers, Levi Wells, Michael Mast, and Joseph T. Holmes, 
were elected the first Trustees. The Trustees, at their first 
meeting, a few days after election, organized by choosing Archi- 
bald Williams President, and Joseph T. Holmes Secretary of 
the Board, and soon thereafter passed a code of Ordinances and 
By-Laws for the Town of Quincy, and to the end that the same 
may be duly preserved in our history, I copy and print the same 
as follows: 

Article 1 . Be it ordained by the President and Trustees of the Town of 
Quincy, That the said town shall be bounded as follows, to-wit: Com- 
mencing at the termination of street, in John Wood's addition 

to Quincy, two rods west of low water mark in the Mississippi river, thence 
running east one mile, thence north one mile, thence west one mile, theme 
south one mile to the place of the beginning. 

Article 2. Be it ordained, <&c, That no person shall be permitted to 
shoot in the streets or on any public ground within the limits of the Town 
with any rifle, pistol, musket, or shotgun, or any other fire-arms. Every 
person so offending shall forfeit and pay to the Trustees of said town one 
dollar for each and every offense. 



48 

Article 3. Be it ordained, etc., That no person shall be permitted to bring 
any dead animal and leave the same to putrify within the limits of the 
town. It shall be the duty of the owner of any animal which may die 
within said limits to cause the same to be removed without delay. Every 
person who shall in any manner thus offend shall forfeit and pay to the 
President and Trustees of said town, the sum of five dollars for each and 
every offense. 

Article 4. Be it ordained, &c, That no person shall be permitted to 
erect any obstruction across any water course or ravine within the limits 
of this town, so as to cause standing water on any of the streets, lots or 
alleys in said town. 

And be it further ordained, That every person owning lots within said 
town on which there shall be standing water or any other nuisance that 
would endanger the health of any citizen of the town, shall cause the 
same to be removed without delay. Every person who shall in any man- 
ner neglect or refuse to conform to the provisions of this ordinance shall 
forfeit and pay to the President and Trustees the sum of five dollars for 
every twenty-four hours the said obstruction or nuisance shall remain 
after having been notified by any citizen of the town to remove the same. 

And be it further ordained, That when the owner of any lot or lots upon 
which there may be any nuisance shall be a non-resident and can not be 
notified, it shall be the duty of the Collector of said town to cause the 
same to be removed and keep a true and accurate account of the cost 
thereof and collect the same of the owner or owners of said lot or lots in 
the same manner he makes other collections for said President and 
Trustees. 

Article 5. Be it ordained, &c, That no person shall be permitted to ob- 
struct, or cause to be obstructed, any public street or alley in the town (ex- 
cept as it may be necessary for the purpose of loading and discharging 
building materials, then no longer than is absolutely necessary for said pur- 
pose). Every person so offending shall forfeit and pay to the President 
and Trustees the sum of fifty cents for every twenty-four hours said 
nuisance shall remain after having been notified by any citizen of the 
Town to remove the same. 

Article 6. Be it ordained, ttc.,That no person shall be permitted to run, 
or make any indecent exhibition of any horse or horses within the limits 
of this Town. Every person so offending shall forfeit and pay to the Pres- 
ident and Trustees the sum of five dollars for each and every offense. 

And be it further ordained, &c, That every person who shall maliciously 
and willfully at late day and unusual hours of the night time, disturb tha 
peace of any person or family in this town, by loud or unusual noises or 
by tumultuous and offensive carriage, threatening, traducing, quarreling 
challenging to fight, or fighting, shall be fined the sum of five dollars for 
each and every such offense. 

Article 7. Be it ordained, cfcc, That every person who shall keep a com- 
mon gaming house, table or room (within the intent and meaning of the 
L26th section of the Criminal Code of this State) within the limits of the 
town, shall be fined in the sum of five dollars, and for each and every 
time any person shall be admitted into such house or room, or at said table 
for the purpose of gambling, the owner thereof shall be fined three dollars, 
and every person who shall gamble or play at any game, or bet on any 
game or games as others may play in or at said house, room, or table, shall 



49 

be fined five dollars, and every person who shall play any game or games 
with cards, dice, or at billiards, or nine or ten pin alley, or with any 
other article, instrument, thing or things whatsoever, which may be used 
for the purpose of playing or betting upon shall be fined five dollars for 
each and every such offense. And every person who shall bet on the 
hands of any person or persons who may be playing at any game or games, 
as aforesaid, shall be fined in the sum of two dollars for each and every 
such offense. Archibald Williams, President. 

J. T. Holmes, Clerk. 

On the nth of May, 1835, the President and Trustees fixed 
the rate of taxation upon town lots at one-half of one per cent, 
and ordered that the Town Treasurer assess all taxable property 
in the same manner as the County Treasurer has heretofore 
made such assessment. The Town Collector was to collect, &c. 

The writer, a native of Kentucky, emigrated to Quincy 
forty-eight years ago, and well remembers the long ride on 
horseback through Indiana and Illinois to the banks of the great 
Mississippi river at Quincy, in 1834. ^ n company with a young 
friend, now no more, we crossed the Ohio river to Madison, In- 
diana; thence through Mount Vernon and Martinsville, striking 
the national turnpike road some twenty miles east of Terre 
Haute; thence across the Wabash river into the bottom lands 
lying between that river and Paris, in Edgar County, Illinois, 
and staying all night at the house of a prosperous farmer near 
the line which divides the States of Indiana and Illinois. 
The Indiana country traveled by this route seemed in many 
places broken and poor, but on the White River bottoms rich 
and unhealthy. Doubtless all that country looks very different 
to-day, but then it seemed to us a hard country. We break- 
fasted at Paris, which was even then quite a village, and pur- 
suing our westward way, we struck our first great prairie, and 
traveled all day without seeing a single human dwelling until 
we approached a strip of timber on the west side. Here we 
stopped for the night at the house of a well-to-do farmer, from 
Jefferson County, Kentucky. We found this farmer, like many 
others in the early days of Illinois, from necessity a tavern- 
keeper. Possessing a large and well-improved farm, with no 
usual market for his surplus- products, he willingly found a mar- 
ket in customers in the shape of travelers. Our host gave fare 
for ourselves and horses, and leaving him after breakfast, our 
next dav's route led through a skirt of timber across one or 
more small streams, but mainly over what appeared as an almost 
boundless prairie, bringing up at night at an almost isolated 



50 

cabin, with a rail pen for a stable, and no appearance of fences 
or cultivation in sight. This cabin was the only stopping place 
for miles in any direction. Our tired horses were stuck into the 
muddy rail pen and given a few ears of corn and a little prairie 
hay. They gave us for supper some tolerable corn bread and 
coffee, and full grown chicken cock fried. We started early 
next morning, and by 10 o'clock reached a better house and got 
breakfast. We were now approaching the waters of the 
Sangamon River. Houses and farms were now more abundant, 
and at the end of a hard ride, at 10 o'clock at night, reached 
Springfield, staying all night at a frame tavern, a house then of 
some pretension and situated on the public square. It was 
rather a hard place, however, and not up to its reputation. 
Springfield then appeared to contain a population of from five 
to seven hundred souls, and was then, as it is now, the muddiest 
town in the world. From Springfield we passed through 
Island Grove to Jacksonville. The settlements were sparse; no 
great amount of cultivated land was visible, but few frame 
houses and none of brick or stone. We found Jacksonville to 
contain several good hotels, a Court House, the old Illinois College 
buildings, the then fine residence of Governor Joe Duncan, many 
stores, and upon the whole, it appeared the brightest and largest 
town within the State. It now seems a little curious to look 
back and remember that Jacksonville, in 1834, was a l ar g er 
town than Chicago, Quincy, Peoria, Alton or Belleville; yet 
such, I think, was the fact. Staying over night at Jacksonville, 
we pursued our westward journey towards the Illinois river, 
observing that the country through which we passed was less 
developed than in the vicinities of Springfield and Jacksonville. 
We reached Meredosia about sun-down, and put up at the well- 
known and long-remembered white frame tavern situated upon 
the bank of the river. This house was burned down only a 
few years since, and it always maintained its original character. 
The Illinois River is famous for large catfish. We observed, 
soon after our arrival, a man go down to the river and haul in a 
line from the water, at the end of which was a large catfish. 
We had him for supper and breakfast. Ten years afterwards 
I put up at the same house, about the same time in the evening, 
and the same man, or one just like him, went down to the river 
and hauled out another catfish for supper and breakfast. Ten 
more years had passed, and I was again a guest of this house, 
and the same thing happened. On leaving the catfish hotel, we 



51 

were ferried over the river in a flat-boat, and landed on the 
muddy bank on its west side, and thence proceeded fording the 
bottom about five miles. This was the hardest traveling we had 
ever experienced, and only enlivened a little by the sight of 
thousands of ducks, geese, swans and pelicans on every hand — 
sporting upon the inland sea. Finally we struck the bluff, and 
ascending, dripping with mud and water, reached at night the 
cheerful white frame dwelling of Mr. Casteen, where we stayed 
all night. The house was near the present town of Versailles, 
in Brown County. The next day we passed through Mount 
Sterling, and I remember that it had at least one nice comforta- 
ble white frame dwelling in it — that of Mr. Curry. From 
Mount Sterling to Clayton, in Adams County, the dwellings, 
we observed, were all log cabins, At Clayton, Mr. McCoy re- 
sided in a comfortable white frame house. From this place to 
Dr. Gilmer's we saw no frame or brick houses — all log cabins. 
Before coming to Quincy we visited the old site of Fort Ed- 
wards, now Warsaw, in Hancock County. There remained a 
part of the old fort still standing, and inhabited by one or two 
families. Montague had a small store-house and a stock of 
goods on the hill, and there was one or two buildings under the 
hill. This was all of Warsaw in the fall of 1834. Soon after 
our visit to old Fort Edwards we came to Quincy, my traveling 
comrade passing on into Missouri while I remained. Quincy 
then contained about five hundred inhabitants. The old Land 
Office Hotel, sometimes called the bed-bug hotel, was the 
largest tavern. There were some half a dozen very respectable 
frame houses, a good many log houses, including a log Court 
House and jail, and several smaller frame houses and two small 
brick houses in the town. The inhabitants of the county out- 
side of Quincy numbered from ten to twelve hundred souls. 

All along our route from Madison, Indiana, the dwellings, ex- 
cept in the towns, were mostly log cabins. No railroad was to 
be seen in the long journey from the Ohio to the Mississippi 
river. The boundless prairies of Illinois seemed almost unin- 
habited by man. Herds of wild deer and flocks of wild turkeys 
frequently crossed the road near us, and prairie chickens, in 
some localities, seemed innumerable. The richness of the soil 
was wonderful, even what was called sod corn grew to great 
height, and turned out well as to quantity and the quality of the 
grain. In all the timber lands and strips along the water courses, 
were found great numbers of bee trees, from which the sparsely 



52 

settled inhabitants gathered their sweetening. Honey and bees- 
wax were great articles of commerce. As clothing was scarce 
and dear, the men were in the habit of wearing foxed breeches 
and roundabouts — that is, the fronts and seats of the pantaloons 
were half-soled with buckskin — as also the under part of the 
sleeves of the roundabout, or sometimes the hunting-shirt. Thus 
prepared, a suit of clothes would last for several years — but the 
foxed part became, after long use, as smooth and slick, and as 
black as the crown ot a bald-headed black man. 

We do not believe that we can give a better view of the ap- 
pearance of the town at the end of 1834 than to insert here a 
sketch previously written by us and published: 

When the writer came to this place, the best house in it was the two- 
story frame building, owned by Henry B. Berry. The ground upon which 
it stood is the same as that now covered by the store of Joseph & Nelke, 
on the N. W. corner of Fourth and Hampshire streets. West of this house 
on either side of Hampshire street to the river there was no building, ex- 
cept an old cabin on what was once the school lot back of the Missouri 
House, upon the hill. On the north side of the public square, east of Berry's 
store, there was first an old cabin, next Reader's grocery store, now the 
site of the Whig office, next Mr. Reader's dwelling house, next a store, and 
next McFadon's store. All these were very unpretending frame buildings. 
But hard by still further east in all its dignity stood the Land Office Hotel, 
kept at that time by William S. Walton; east of this was the residence of 
Robert Tillson — log and frame. On Hampshire street, east of the square, 
and on the north side there were but three small log cabins, one of which 
stood back from the street, and was occupied by Carter & Walker as a 
wagon-makers shop. On the south side of Hampshire, east of the square, 
and on the corner of Fifth and Hampshire, now known as Jonas' corner, 
was a very good two-story frame building, owned by the' estate of J. M. 
Jones, deceased. East of Sixth street was the land office, a one-story frame 
building, and on the alley east of it was the log cabin of Anton Good, still 
standing, but weather-boarded so as to hide the logs. East of this was a 
small hewn log house, and still further east, occupying the site of the Brown- 
ing house, there stood a double log cabin, and not far north of Hampshire 
street, fronting on Eighth, was the house occupied by Colonel Samuel 
Alexander, first Register of the United States land office. On the east side 
of the public square — then and for years* after simply called the square — 
now Washington Square or Park, besides the corner house mentioned, 
stood the old log Court House, burned down in the winter of 1835-6. Back 
from Fifth street stood the old log jail, and near it a log cabin, afterwards 
used by Timothy Rogers for a time as his first carriage-makers shop, and in 
which he made his first buggy in Quincy; and not far from this stood the 
house of Edward Turner. On the south side of the square was the two- 
story frame store building owned by Levi Wells, a small frame building, or 
perhaps two of them, and the old log tavern kept and owned by Rufus 
Brown, occupying the site of the Quincy House. On the west side was the 
old postoffice, on the corner of Fourth and Maine streets; a small frame 
building, occupied afterwards as our first Mayor's office; next Whitney's 



53 

store, an old one story frame adjoining Pearson's frame store. Under the 
hill there were several small frame buildings north of Hampshire on 
Front street, among them one afterwards owned by Artemus Ward, and 
the old Harkness tavern, then called the Steamboat House. North of 
Vermont street there were two or three small houses and cabins. The 
frame part of the building now known as the "Lindsay Church Home," on 
the corner of Fourth and Vermont streets, was in existence, as was also the 
house of Major Rose, corner of Twelfth and Chestnut streets, and also the 
cottage of F. C. Moore, on the mound. Governor Wood's first and second 
cabins were standing. Though this sketch necessarily omits some houses 
and cabins then in existence, I believe not exceeding thirty or forty are 
omitted, and it may give a very correct impression of the general appear- 
ance of Quincy at the end of the year 1834. Of the houses then erected 
there now remain still standing in their original locations only the follow- 
ing: The frame part of the Lindsay Church Home building; Good's cabin, 
now weather-boarded, on Hampshire street, and opposite the Occidental 
Hotel; the cottage of F. C. Moore on the mound, and the frame house of 
Major Rose, near the corner of Twelfth and Chestnut streets. Other 
buildings there are which have been moved to new locations, which had 
been erected prior to the year 1834. It will be seen that by the accom- 
panying census Quincy had over 600 inhabitants, though we have always 
doubted it. 

It appears that the town had no local laws or ordinances for 
nearly ten years after it was laid out, living under the general 
laws of the State until June 24, 1834. The old maxim that 
"without law there is no transgression," seemed verified. Local 
crime was scarcely known, though there were many trials by 
wager of battle, and for a time a good deal of drinking was 
carried on upon public days and occasions. The doors of the 
earlier settlers were seldom locked — nothing was stolen. The 
foundation principles among the people seemed to be common 
honesty and adherence to the side of law and order. But this, 
like everything, found its exceptions here in a few individual 
cases, but we had not a single tramp. Three of the men who 
resided here in or near 1834 became, in after years, Governors 
of the State — Ford, Carlin and Wood — three became United 
States Senators — Young, Browning and Richardson — one, 
Morgan, a Major-General during the great rebellion. 

The earliest settlers in this part of the State mostly came 
from Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, Ohio, New 
York, and the New England States. It has been supposed 
that, in some degree at least, they represented two former states 
of society, or civilization. The early introduction of African 
slavery into the Colonies had softened, and for a time seemed to 
sanctify in the minds of the people the "institution." The so- 
called "reformation" in religion three hundred years earlier had 



54 

divided the people upon that subject, and so it came to pass that 
the United States soon had (as the Frenchman alleged) "a hun- 
dred religions and but one souft." The most marked antag- 
onisms among our English progenitors were the "Churchmen" 
and "Cavaliers" on one side, and the "Round Heads" and 
"Puritans" on the other. Perhaps, remotely, each of these old 
parties of the Mother Country had planted, through their de- 
scendants, their respective ideas and principles even here; yet 
it now seems scarcely important to try to find out the exact 
pedigree and blood of each of our old settlers. They were a 
mixed people both in blood and religion. The descendant of 
the Cavaliers, if we ever had any such among us, stripped of 
wealth and deserted by flatterers, found it necessary to work in 
some way to earn his bread. That old western, now classic, 
maxim of "Root hog, or die," was applied here to men as well 
as to the "Berkshire." The descendant of the Puritans, or 
more properly of the Pilgrims — if we ever had any such among 
us — removed from his "happy land of Canaan" — New England 
— and stripped of all his old time local props and surroundings, 
quickly adapted himself to his new locality and became in a 
great degree like other men, his neighbors mainly. Our early 
settlers were really an instance of the "survival of the fittest" — 
the first crop of new-comers from each family have nearly 
always turned out best. The law of labor was cheerfully recog- 
nized, and there were really fewer loafers here than in any other 
community. Perhaps owing to our diversified religious beliefs, 
we were in a manner compelled to be liberal and charitable to- 
wards one another. Numerically, we were not a very great 
people in 1834. The whole population of the State could not 
have exceeded 250,000. 

In the month of December, 1834, Bennett was executed here 
for the murder of Baker, who had been a poor, miserable old 
sot and companion of Bennett himself. The killing was at Ben- 
nett's cabin, above town, on or near the bay where both Baker 
and Bennett had been carousing for some days — both no doubt 
having mania from drink. Bennett was perhaps the first person 
executed in the Military Tract, and but one has since been ex- 
ecuted at the hand of the law in Quincy. At 10 o'clock a. m., 
the militia of the town and neighborhood was paraded under 
the command of Captain Hedges and others to form a guard at 
the execution. Many spectators, including a number of women, 
attended. Bennett was a tall, lean old man, and when brought 



55 

out of the old log jail, dressed in a long white shroud and 
cap, he walked behind the cart or wagon (driven by old 
John Sly, who was dressed in a buckskin hunting-shirt) to the 
gallows. All were struck with the firm, Indian-like tread and 
carriage of the murderer. He behaved with the utmost firmness 
and dignified resignation. In his last speech he drew many 
tears from the great crowd of spectators. But that day six 
fights occurred in town. Not one of the offenders was 
arraigned or fined. The writer, who had been here only 
about a month, began to think Quincy a hard place. 



CHAPTER VI. 



The Cold Spell of February, 1835 — Pork Packing by 
Captain Pease — The Illinois Bounty Land Regis- 
ter — The Land Sales — Trial by Wager of 
Battle — The First Steam Ferryboat 
— Wild Game — Our Last Wolf 
Hunt, and Miscellaneous 
Sketches to 1836. 



IfjipHE winter of 1834-5 up to February was remarkably 
WmM favorable. What was usually called the January thaw was 
protracted and every way pleasant, when, according to my recol- 
lection, about the 15th, 16th or 17th of February, or perhaps a 
few days earlier or later, we were visited by three very cold 
days, one of them the coldest ever known here, our single ther- 
mometer running down to 32 degrees below zero, this cold 
wave extending through the central part of this State and on to 
Kentucky. Edward Wells, who was here that winter, thinks 
the cold spell commenced on the 28th of January, and not in 
February. Nearly every fruit tree was either killed or greatly 
injured. Large numbers of stock, cattle and hogs perished 
from cold. One of our stage drivers had his face so frozen as to 
cause the loss of one of his eyes. Our coldest day here was on 
Saturday, rivaling the celebrated and historical cold Friday of 
many years previous in intensity. We may remark here, in 
reference to our climate, that for many years during our early 
settlements, in this part of the State, we had always our Janu- 
ary thaw, our June freshet in the Mississippi river, and our 
Indian summer running into November, a sharp little winter, 
which the Indians called Squaw winter, preceding the Indian 



57 

summer, at the end of which came real winter. We have never 
had during the fall of the year so great a rise in the Mississippi 
— near nineteen feet above low water mark — as during the fall 
of 1881. 

It is alleged that Captain Nathaniel Pease packed a few hogs 
in 1833, but in the fall and winter of 1834-5 he commenced as a 
permanent line of business here the purchase of and the pack- 
ing of pork. He bought over $15,000 worth at low prices, 
upon which he realized very handsome profits. Captain Pease 
died in 1836, deeply lamented. He was a man of great energy 
and enterprise, and had he lived would have most probably be- 
come one ot the first merchants of the west. He left very con- 
siderable estate, which was equally divided among his children. 

Our first newspaper (Vol. 1, No. 1), the Illinois Bounty Land 
Register, a weekly newspaper published by C. M. Woods & 
Co., made its advent among us April 17, 1835, from the house 
on the north side of the Public Square one door west of Rogers 
& Dutcher's store, not far from the present office of the Quincy 
Whig. I deem it proper now to state that the Illinois Bounty 
Land Register, under its first management, was from its first 
number to its last among the best papers then published in the 
State. Judge Young, in whose interest the paper was started, 
wrote many of its ablest articles. Dunbar Aldrich and C. M. 
Woods, both practical printers, made an efficient double team of 
publishers, and whilst the paper was from the first Democratic 
in its politics, there was little or no abuse or intentional misrep- 
resentation of other parties or individuals found in its columns. 
From this first number of the paper we extract the following, 
from the pen of Joseph T. Holmes, Esq.: 

"From the 1st of July, 1831, to the same time in 1832, there 
was imported into Quincy produce consisting principally of flour 
and bacon, according to the best information, of the value of 
$5,000. From the 1st of July, 1834, to the istof July, 1835, 
with an increased population there will be no importation of the 
above articles, but on the contrary, from the best estimates from 
data which may be relied upon, it may be safely stated that 
produce consisting of the above articles will be exported to the 
value of $40,000. The quantity of wheat purchased and ground 
at the Quincy Steam Mill from the 1st of August, 1834, to the 
1st of April, 1835, is about 24,900 bushels, producing about 
4,980 barrels of flour. The present price of wheat delivered in 
the mill is 50 cents per bushel, and the price of flour $4 per 
barrel." 



58 

The first public sale of land by the United States at the land 
office in Quincy commenced the 15th day of June, 1835. Con- 
flicting claims to pre-emptions, or the right to enter a particular 
tract of land, frequently arose between claimants. Two men 
quarreled as to the right to enter a certain tract, both claiming 
this right but neither having made sufficient proof under the 
pre-emption law. They concluded to settle the matter by a 
fight, agreeing that the best man in the fight should have the 
land. They stripped and fought on Sixth street. The victor 
got the land. The parties made friends and went home. 

In July, 1835, tne fi rst steam ferryboat used at this point on 
the river was brought here by Mr. Keyes. Before this time 
travelers going West from this place were ferried over the river 
in flatboats, with great labor and hard rowing. The new boat 
was very old and old-fashioned, much worn, and had quite too 
inefficient boilers and engine for the strong current. She was 
dead slow, but in contrast with the old ferry flat she was highly 
esteemed, and her arrival here was hailed as a great event. The 
enterprise manifested in bringing her seemed to demand on our 
parts some extra patronage, and so to that end, at 50 cents a 
head, we got up a pleasure party to go on the boat to La 
Grange. More than fifty of our best people, ladies and gentle- 
men, emarked at the Quincy landing — the foot of Vermont 
street — at about 3 o'clock p. m. Soon after starting the engine 
became disabled, from the pump which supplied the boiler with 
water getting clogged with a chunk of wood. The boiler soon 
became nearly dry, really threatening a blow up. But little 
steam could, however, be generated, and of course no headway 
could be made. We were compelled to land on Mosquito Island, 
within sight of our starting point. The boat had scarcely 
touched the muddy bank of the Island when tens of millions of 
mosquitoes, apparently the most hungry and ravenous we ever 
met, rushed upon us, thrusting their sharp bills into the faces, 
hands and arms of all on board except the engineer, one of the 
Clark boys, who was duly greased for the contest. We had to 
remain at this place till about 11 o'clock at night, when the 
engineer announced that he had relieved the strangled pump 
and was ready to proceed to the end of our destination. Many 
were, however, for at once returning home, but the majority 
cried, "Go ahead," and we arrived at La Grange, about eight 
miles above Quincy, at 2 o'clock in the morning, running at the 
rate of about one mile an hour. The party had been organized 



59 

with the expectation of returning to our starting point at least 
by sundown. At La Grange we knocked up the sole grocery- 
keeper and bought crackers, cheese and candy, as by this time 
all were hungry; and to cap the climax of misery it suddenly 
turned quite chilly. The ladies, mostly dressed in white, with- 
out shawls or wraps, really suffered. The boat finally landed 
us at Quincy at daylight, and slowly, sleepily, greatly mosquito- 
bitten and fatigued we ascended the hill, agreeing that the trip 
must be calculated by its romance only. Of all that goodly 
company who went upon this La Grange pleasure party of 
forty-six years ago, nearly all of them have been ferried over 
the Styx. Some, however, yet remain who may probably read 
this sketch, and probably laugh over the recollections of this 
famous pleasure party of 1835. O n ty tne following are known 
by the writer to be living: Mrs. Robert Tillson; Mrs. Dr. 
Ralston, then Miss Mitchell; Miss Burrell, now Mrs. Stamps, 
Miss Curtis, now Mrs. Dutcher, both of St. Louis; the writer, 
and perhaps a few others. Town lots still remained low here. 
Some very good ones sold this year at from two to three hun- 
dred dollars each. A few cases of cholera occurred in June of 
this summer. Mr. and Mrs. Dale, and Mrs. Stamper, a sister 
of Judge and Doctor Ralston, died of this disease. At the 
April term of the Circuit Court this year there were seventy 
cases on the docket. Not many years thereafter there were 
600 cases, showing an increase of business in the courts some- 
what proportionate to other matters. 

During all the earlier periods of white settlements here, and 
up to 1836, there were in our vicinity an abundance of wild 
game. On Bay Island I have frequently seen large herds of 
deer and flocks of wild turkeys. Indeed, in that long stretch of 
country from Quincy to Warsaw, under the bluffs, and also 
within a like stretch of country below this point, for nearly 
eighty miles of bottom lands, under the bluffs, deer and turkeys 
and the occasional appearance of a few bears made this border 
land a happy hunting ground, which the Indians very reluc- 
tantly retired from upon the advance of white settlements. 
During the spring and fall of the year, then, as now, large flocks 
of wild geese, ducks, swans, pelicans and brant were to be seen 
upon the points of our islands and in the ponds and sloughs ot 
the bottom lands. They were more abundant in the earlier 
times than even now, and it was common once a year, generally 
in the autumn, for many of our quasi hunters to fix up and camp 



60 

out in the bottoms for a few days and nights to hunt and shoot 
geese and ducks. I well remember several of these expe- 
ditions, of which I was one of a party and in which as many as 
a hundred of ducks and geese were killed. At night when the 
tent was pitched, the camp-fire well started in its front, the sup- 
per prepared and eaten with a relish elsewhere unknown, the 
blankets and buffalo robes spread for couches and all laid out 
for the night, somehow it seemed expected, at least for the first 
night of the encampment, that some one of the party, perhaps 
the one least qualified, would commence to tell a story. Some 
of these stories appeared very funny to the rest, all somewhat 
exhilarated by such a hot punch as Neal Dow and the Tem- 
perance Unions never dreamed of, or at least talk about, except 
to condemn. The first story thus told was followed by another 
and another, until all had made his contribution, except, perhaps, 
one who in lieu thereof was required to make a speech or sing 
a song. Upon one occasion one of the party had told no story, 
and could not make a speech or sing a song. Indeed, on this 
occasion he was the "sober-sides" of the crowd, but he said he 
had heard once on a steamboat on the Ohio River, in 1835, a 
play actor recite what he said was a negro sermon, and if they 
would accept his recollection of it he would give it to them. By 
this time the camp had risen to its feet, determined that the de- 
linquent should comply with the agreement, but being willing 
to accept the negro sermon, oft' he started, giving as near the 
tone and gestures of the play actor as he could, but first remark- 
ing that the sermon related to the devil. They all said: "Go 
ahead; let's hear about the devil, or Tom Walker, or some- 
thing." And so here follows the sermon: 

"Dearly b'loved brethren, since you spoke ob de debil it now 
'hooves me to 'scribe him to you. He is a naushus animal ; outen 
his mouf come de four-forked lightnin' ; his eyes shine like two log 
heaps afire by moonshine, ah; his tail is forty feet long and maybe 
mo'; he will catch you betwixt de head an' de shoulda, like a 
ground hog catch a chicken, an' he will jerk you from hell to 
breakfast time, ah; he will haul off you' shirt an' heap live coals 
of fiah upon you' bare back, an' you will writhe, an' screw, 
an' work yourself, an' snort like a hoss, ah." 

I decline to say how the sermon was received by the camp, 
(one of us was a Methodist class leader,) but the delinquent had, 
as the theatre folks say, to submit to an encore, at the end of 
which a big owl in the top of a tree near by, which had prob- 



61 

ably been attracted to our vicinity by our firelight, deliberately 
said: "Ho! ho! ho! ho! ah!" As by this time it was past mid- 
night, we fell into innocent sleep, with the parting salutation of 
the owl ringing in our ears. 

Upon the subject of early game and wild animals in our 
vicinity, there was one very fierce and strong creature to be 
found in the thickets, as well above as under the bluffs — a species 
of wildcat. The country people used to call him the lynx. 
Skins of this animal, with the skins of raccoons, minks and 
muskrats, were brought into the stores and sold in abundance. 
The prairie chickens were innumerable, coming into the town, 
as well as many flocks of quails. The last of this large species 
of wildcat or lynx seen by the writer was about the year 1838, 
at a point not far from the old Felt place, southeast of the town. 
I was out with with a single-barreled shotgun loaded with quail 
shot, not expecting to see any large game. In going through a 
hazle thicket into which a large tree had fallen, I mounted the 
tree as it lay, and walking out upon it towards the top and into 
a place where I could overlook the entire thicket, heard a rustle 
in the leaves near by, when, looking in the direction whence 
proceeded the sound, I saw the largest one of these animals I 
ever saw, slowly and sullenly moving off, as if he did not care 
whether he went or not. My quail shot I knew would not hurt 
him much, so did not fire at him, whilst he finally disappeared. 
I did not follow him, preferring to let him alone if he would let 
me alone. This animal had the reputation of being fond of 
roasting pigs, though, unlike an old Virginian, he ate his pigs 
raw. As I turned around to come down from the fallen tree a 
deer bounded out of this same thicket, and I did not fire at him 
either, but felt rather humiliated at the thought of having gone 
hunting with such shooting irons and ammunition. In early 
times our county was infested with wolves, but our settlers were 
after a while united in their efforts to exterminate them. Indeed, 
the State for a time paid a bounty for wolf scalps. After the 
considerable settlement of the county the wolves became scarce 
in our vicinity, but as late as about 1845 or 46 (precise date not re- 
membered, but during the forties,) the central parts of the county 
were visited by a small pack of gray wolves, which made sad 
havoc among the sheep. The people resolved upon a wolf 
hunt, and the writer, with Wilson Lane and others from Quincy, 
attended. The hunt was arranged in the most judicious man- 
ner, and was participated in by not less than one thousand men. 



62 

The entire proceedings may be described in a few words. A 
preliminary meeting appointed five captains of the hunt, one to 
command the east line, one the south, one the west and one the 
north line. Over all was a chief, who had command of the 
whole. Each line starting very early in the morning from desig- 
nated points, were to spread themselves from right to left, so as 
to cover the whole outward line, which had, at starting, a cir- 
cumference of nearly forty miles. A central point had been 
fixed about two miles east of Little Mill creek, on the Columbus 
road, and where a spot of ground some four acres was mainly 
covered by a hazle and plum thicket, but surrounded upon three 
sides by the open prairie, from which objects could be seen in 
the thicket through the openings in the same. At a given hour 
the men on each division, facing inwards and towards the centre, 
advanced. Every advancing party as it made, say one mile, 
towards the centre, was shortened and became more compact, 
until they arrived within about 150 yards of the thicket, when the 
line was solid, or so that each man could nearly touch his neigh- 
bor. This solid line was composed of men on foot, such horses as 
had been ridden at the start being left in the rear. The line being 
now in position, it was not long before it was discovered that it had 
"corralled" two large gray wolves, the very fellows the hunt 
was after, and then, my readers may well believe, the excite- 
ment began. It beat a political compaign or a camp meeting, 
but nobody was permitted to "holler" or to shout or shoot. 
The shooting of the wolves was to be done by two old Ken- 
tucky hunters with rifles. No one else was permitted to fire or 
to go inside the line. The wolves now having taken the alarm, 
again and again charged as if determined to go through, but 
always stopped within a few steps of the men in line. When 
the wolf approached as if he intended to go through anyhow, 
the men at the threatened point then did some loud yelling, and 
with the motion of their clubs made the wolf turn round and go 
back to his thicket. We had two or three stout bull dogs 
which were permitted to go in, but the wolf gave them one snap 
and they scampered out as if scared nearly to death. At the 
end of about half an hour the shooters were sent inside the line. 
Both wolves were together, and both were fired upon. One 
fell dead, but the other was only wounded, and now, with blood 
streaming down his sides, he made a desperate rush to escape, 
running around the entire line, vainly seeking an unguarded 
point for escape, when finally, as he loped past one of the rifle- 



63 

men, he was brought down dead. Now the hunt was over, 
the wolves were hauled up to the road and inspected by all, and 
all wondered at their great size and savage appearance. I did 
not stop to measure them, but think they must have been, or 
seemed to be, near three feet in height, and when dead and 
stretched out upon the ground would have measured from the 
tip of their noses to the end of their tails over six feet. 
These were the real sheep-eating gray wolves, and most ter- 
rible animals to look upon they were. This was our last suc- 
cessful wolf hunt, and the country over which it passed is now 
nearly all under cultivation. As the days for wolf hunting here 
have long since passed, I have deemed it proper to describe our 
last one. 

The year 1836 presented a new era in our history. The in- 
habitants of Quincy, even in 1835, consisted of people from nearly 
all the States of Europe and America, the native American pop- 
ulation, however, very greatly preponderating — they naturally 
brought with them their former conventional usages, and to 
some extent their provincial rules of politeness. The educated 
and refined everywhere, however, have no necessary collisions; 
but in a new country all are not educated and refined. Two 
great parties had early existed here, they were neither political 
nor religious, they were called Yankees and Kentuckians, to 
which, in a degree, all others were attached, as it suited their in- 
clinations. The Kentuckians' "hoss" and his "cawn" bread, both 
"plain and cracklin," and his hog and hominy, was contrasted 
with the Yankees' "keow" and "karf," pork and beans, his 
doughnuts and fried wonders. The Dutchman, however, soon 
set up his tastes and ideas, with sauer-kraut, liver-wurst and 
limburger cheese. All parties at once gave it up that this 
cheese laid out all other victual smells at least. Kegel's "Dutch 
delicacies" had not arrived then. These little straws, showing 
which way our winds came, soon passed out of sight, almost 
before they were noted, when there sprung up among us, over- 
riding all small prejudices and tastes, a feeling of friendship and 
fellowship towards everyone who had come to live among us. 
We began to look forward to the appoaching time when Quincy 
should become a large town, and eventually a large city upon the 
great "Father of Waters." The soil around us was the richest and 
most fertile any of us had ever seen. Trees of every kind grew, 
as we have elsewhere stated, with wonderful rapidity. The 
vegetable kingdom was marvelous; our watermelons beat Iowa; 



64 

our pumpkins and turnips and potatoes and cabbage grew so 
large that if I were here to describe them, the reader would be 
inclined to look with suspicion upon the veracity of our whole 
book. This year, 1836, town lots rose in price and value; sev- 
eral good frame and one or more brick stores were put up. A 
considerable number was added to our population, bringing us 
up to about 1,000 inhabitants. The interest of C. M. Woods in 
the Illinois Bounty Land Register was, on the 15th of Novem- 
ber, transferred to John H. Pettit, late from Cincinnati, and the 
paper at first assumed the name of The £>uincy Argus and 
Illinois Bounty Land Register. As concerning Quincy, in No- 
vember, 1836, we published the following from that paper, dated 
November 8, 1836. The whole presidential vote of the county, 
counting by majorities, was only 295. Van Buren's majority in 
the county was 283 — in Quincy 84. The entire vote of the 
county did not exceed, we believe, about 800. This number of 
the paper had the following editorial: 

QUINCY. 
We do not believe that there is a town in the State of Illinois, saving 
perhaps Chicago, which has increased at any time with the rapidity of 
Quincy for the past summer and fall. Besides the Court House (the old 
brick on the east side of the public square), the Methodist Church, (on 
Vermont street) one store and two dwellings of brick, there has been 
erected between sixty and ninety frame buildings for stores, machine 
shops, &c. There has been upwards of two hundred mechanics and 
laborers, who were not residents of the town in constant employ, and work 
for a hundred more, if they could have been procured. The business of 
the town has increased in proportion to its growth. The increase of our 
population has been so great, that it is impossible for them all to procure 
houses for love or money. The situation of Quincy — the fine country in 
its vicinity, and the landing of steamboats equalled by few and surpassed 
by none on the Mississippi, offer sufficient inducements to merchants and 
mechanics who wish to make a permanent location. If in the course of 
ten years, and perhaps sooner, Quincy is not the largest town on the Mis- 
sissippi above the mouth of Ohio, except St. Louis, then we will confess 
that we are destitute of the gift of prophecy. 

We believe that this prophecy of John H Pettit has been fully 
sustained. After some years he returned to Cincinnati, where 
I, in after years, met him, and though he and I had always 
been opposed politically, I found him the same large-hearted, 
kindly gentleman he had always appeared here. 

In this year we had our first disturbing agitation upon the 
Anti-Slavery and so-called Abolition question among us. There 
were manv of our people upon each side of the question as pre- 
sented. Whilst few would acknowledge that they were objec- 



65 

tively for slavery, yet the majority, especially those from slave- 
holding States, considered it an insult to be called an Abolition- 
ist. Living as we did upon the border of the slave-holding 
State of Missouri, where the cry of Abolitionist, as applied to 
anyone, was like the cry of mad dog applied to any unfortunate 
canine thus denounced, it was easy to throw our people into 
excitement upon the subject of slavery. In after years Abra- 
ham Lincoln could say, causing men to think, that he thought 
that the black man was entitled to eat the bread his own hands 
had earned; and that if slavery was not wrong, then nothing 
was wrong. But with all his bravery and high principles, I 
doubt if he would have said that publicly in Quincy in 1836. 

An article in the Marion Journal, of the 21st of May, 1836, 
substantially copied into the Bounty Land Register, at Quincy, 
Friday, May 27, states in effect that a man named Garret had 
introduced into our neighboring county of Marion, Mo., two 
boxes of abolition papers, tracts, pamphlets, &c, which were in 
the custody of one Williams. Upwards of fifty citizens pro- 
ceeded with the proper officer to the house of Williams; a box 
of pamphlets, &c, was found in a corn crib, and upon examina- 
tion, says the Journal, were found of a most inflammatory char- 
acter, and so were burned to the tune of the "Rogue's March." 
Williams getting wind of the coming storm, had taken the free 
negroes into Illinois, and he, as also Garret, having received no- 
tice to leave the State, came away. 

On Sunday, May 22, there appears to have been a religious 
meeting at the camp-ground, in Marion County. Dr. Nel- 
son had closed a sermon, and Muldrow, as the Journal under- 
stood it, requested the Doctor to read a paper which he for- 
warded for that purpose, when Dr. Bosley objecting, said it 
should not be read, and, as some accounts state, made at Mul- 
drow with a cane, as if to strike. A scuffle ensued in which 
Bosley was stabbed. I may, without further detail, state that 
Muldrow was placed in custody, afterwards tried and acquitted, 
and that Dr. Bosley recovered from his would. A great and 
threatening excitement ensued, and Dr. Nelson came to Quincy, 
wading through the high waters of the river bottom and ap- 
pearing here wet and muddy from head to foot at a late hour of 
the Sunday night mentioned. The Doctor had been followed 
by a long-haired Missourian, wet and muddy, a chivalrous 
Southerner though, who arrived here soon after Dr. Nelson 

came, and his story of the difficulty and the excitement over the 

5 



river fully justified the flight of the Doctor. The most exagger- 
ated news of the affair, as also of the arrival of Dr. Nelson, ran all 
around the town before morning. The next day a self-consti- 
tuted committee of citizens of Quincy waited upon the Doctor, 
protesting against his coming here at all, and especially against 
his alleged purpose to remove here with his family. The men 
of this committee are all dead, and we do not mention their 
names. They were not bad men, but simply Democrats— Anti- 
Abolitionists. We may here remark, that Dr. Nelson, Dr. 
Bosley and Muldrow were all Southern men and all had been, 
and perhaps all of them were then slave-holders. Whilst the 
long-haired Missourian that followed Dr. Nelson through the 
the overflowed bottom that Sunday night like a sleuth-hound, 
and who reported here upon his arrival that the Doctor himself 
had stabbed Bosley, perhaps never owned a slave in his life. I 
do not know his name and may be mistaken upon this point, 
but now, after the lapse of many years, when most of our con- 
temporaries of that period are dead, and in view of my own 
observation of events then and since, I record my belief that as 
a fact, at least eight to one of the poor fellows of the South who, 
in after years, fought in the ranks of the rebel army, were non- 
slave-holders. 

It appears from an article published in the Illinois Bounty 
Land Register, of Friday, May 27, 1836, written by Dr. David 
Nelson himself and addressed to those of Marion County who 
threatened him, that the paper handed him to be read at the 
camp-ground proposed a colonization effort on a large scale, 
which project, the Doctor says, he himself did not approve. It 
appears that a few days before this camp-ground meeting there 
had been a public meeting at Palmyra, in which they approved 
the recent conduct of a portion of the citizens of Marion County 
towards Messrs. Garret and Williams, denominated two avowed 
advocates and missionaries of Abolition who came among them 
to excite their slaves to rebellion by the use of incendiary 
pamphlets, by pictorial representations of imagined cruelty, and 
by other artful appeals to their passions, eminently calculated to 
weaken the obligation of their obedience. They declared their 
determination to assert their inherent, inalienable power for 
self-defense, &c. The object of this meeting was stated by J. 
Quinn Thornton, Esq., who afterwards, for some time, resided 
in Quincy. The Rev. E. S. Ely, one of the professors of Marion 
College, was on motion of S. B. Carnegy, Esq., requested to 



67 

state to the meeting his opinion of the future course of that insti- 
tution, upon the subject of Abolition, and the Rev. Doctor did 
explain; he was not an Abolitionist of the North; he owned one 
slave and was negotiating for another. These events and mat- 
ters show that our neighbors over the river were pretty hot, 
and so the camp-ground affair made a great stir, and so Quincy 
became agitated also. 

A notice appeared in the Illinois Bounty Land Register, of 
June 10, 1836, for a "county meeting" of all citizens of Adams 
County friendly to peace and good order and opposed to the in- 
troduction of Abolition Societies, &c, opposed to the discussion 
of the subject in the pulpit, &c, opposed to placing negroes on 
equality with the white by marriage, &c, and opposed to giving 
shelter and unlawful protection to runaway slaves and negroes 
from other States, &c, all such were respectfully and earnestly 
desired to assemble in Quincy in the public square on the after- 
noon of Saturday, the 18th day of June, to express their voice 
and take such other measures in this matter as they might think 
advisable— signed "Many Citizens." The appointed meeting 
was a dead failure. But few people attended, and I remember 
no public action taken by the movers of the projected meeting. 
The views expressed in this notice called forth an article from 
the pen of J. T. Holmes, Esq., printed in the Register June 15, 
and the writer, whilst declaring no connection with any 
Abolition Society, asserted the right of discussion. He thought 
slavery incompatible with the fundamental principles of rational 
liberty, &c. : that it should be abolished as soon as it could be 
done, consistent with the rights and best interests of master and 
slave and the laws of the several States, &c, and this right to 
discuss temperately and on proper occasions such opinions as 
these he declared was clearly guaranteed by the constitution and 
laws, &c. Mr. Holmes was a strong man, and his influence with 
many of our people, especially those from New England, de- 
termined them to hold a meeting in the old Congregational 
Church, afterwards called "The Lord's Barn," and it so hap- 
pened, we believe, that the men who demanded the right of free 
speech, as they began to call it, fixed the time for the meeting 
on the night of the day for the "Many Citizens Meeting" in the 
public square, and it was generally known that the "Free 
Speech Meeting," called by the other side the "Abolition Meet- 
ing," would take place that night. The day meeting for the 
square having been a failure, some of the few men from the 



country had been persuaded to stay at night and see what the 
Abolitionist, as they called "The Lord's Barn" meeting, would 
do. Indeed, it was known that the meeting in the church would 
be attacked, when it was expected that there would be some 
tall running done. And there was, but it was done by the other 
fellows. Our history must call the attacking party the mob, 
for they had no legal right to molest the meeting in the church. 
During the day preceding this meeting, after discussing the 
probability of a row with Mr. O. H. Browning, he said to me: 
"I will see the one man, (naming him) and the only man who can 
lead that crowd to make an attack. I don't believe he is in 
favor of it, but if I can persuade him to go out of town before 
night and stay away till to-morrow, there will be no fight." 
The man in question went to the country, and for the want of a 
plucky leader the attack made on the church at night was of 
short duration, for the mob ignominiously ran away at the first 
show of resistance. They delivered one broadside of brickbats 
and stones against the sides of the church, when ten or twenty 
stout men ran out of the church, armed with hickory clubs, and 
then the mob ran for their lives. We may say that, in the 
main, from that day to this we have had substantial free speech 
in Quincy. 

This year the county sold the lots owned by it on the east side 
of Fifth street, as we have mentioned, with one or two others, 
for the aggregate sum of $22,000. One lot sold for seventy-eight 
dollars per front foot. In the spring of 1836, a small lot next and 
west of the present location of Joseph, Nelke & Co.'s store, was 
purchased by Henry T. Blow, of St. Louis, at $100 per front 
foot. Thus it appeared that real estate here began to advance 
in price. 

I have stated in my introductory chapter that Quincy was for 
many years, and still remains substantially, in a business and his- 
torical point, the largest and most important town in the old 
Military Bounty Land Tract. It was the point where the 
United States land office was placed, and here nearly all the 
Congress land in the district was entered. As early as 1834, or 
perhaps earlier, an Illinois Land Agency was opened here 
under the firm name of Tillson, Moore & Co., composed of 
John Tillson, Jr., Francis C. Moore and Lloyd Morton. The 
leading member of this firm was John Tillson, Jr., Esq., who 
was, in the early times of our State, perhaps the most popular 
man in it, and one who has exercised a very large influence, and 



69 

always in an unselfish direction. ' Mr. Tillson was a large and 
very handsome man, and possessed and wielded great influence 
with the owers of patent lands residing in the East. In March, 
1836, he retired from the firm of Tillson, Moore & Co., and a 
new firm was established, with Seth C. Sherman in place of Mr. 
Tillson. The new firm took the name of Moore, Morton & Co., 
which was recommended by Mr. Tillson, and with the strongest 
list of references possible. These agencies, of which there 
were several, from first to last, in the payment of taxes and in 
the sale of patent lands, have, as I might say, handled more than 
one-half of all the lands in the Military Tract patented to the 
soldiers of the war of 181 2. This agency here, with the United 
States land office, from time to time, and for many years, brought 
nearly all the land buyers to Quincy. Thus the importance of 
the town and its consequent numerous visitors, made it, as it 
were, the center of Western Illinois. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Brief Notes and Sketches Covering the Time from 1837 
to 1840 — The Dr. Eells Case — The Alanson Work 
Case — The Burning of the Institute — The 
Quincy "Whig" — Early Taxes and 
Present Rise in Prices, &c. — Mis- 
cellaneous Items The 

Quincy Library. 



jjUR Town of Quincy has been the theater of many events, 
not all of the most pleasing character. A true picture large 
enough to cover the whole canvas must present some matters 
which it might be well to leave out, if I could truthfully and 
candidly do so. But both black and white must appear. Galileo 
said the world moves, and so it does. Here is a suggestive 
streak of the black, legally painted. Our State had gratuitously 
enacted a set of laws, which made the following notice from the 
Argus, possible as of its date: 

NOTICE. 

A mulatto man, who calls himself Rodam High Warden, on the 24th of 
April, A. D. 1837, was committed to the jail of Adams County, Illinois, as a 
runaway slave, according to the law of the State aforesaid. Said Rodam 
High Warden is about five feet high, about 46 years old, forefinger off the 
right hand, a scar on the right side of his forehead, extending into the 
hair, and one on the left side of his neck. The owner of the aforesaid 
mulatto man is hereby required to come, prove property, pay charges, and 
take the said mulatto away in accordance with the laws of the State of 
Illinois. Earl Pierce, Sheriff Adams County, Illinois. 

July 25, 1837. 

In those days notices like these frequently appeared in papers 
published in this State, and whilst they created but little or no 



71 

shock to men like the writer — from the South — they had a very 
different effect upon the men of other sections of the country and 
from Europe. 

One evening in late summer or early fall — exact date not now 
remembered — a tall and rather lean black man arrived in Quincy 
from Missouri; he swam the Mississippi River and was of course 
as wet as a drowned rat. The sequel showed that there were 
here some agents of the Underground Railroad Line; one of 
them, we believe, Berryman Barnet, colored, communicated this 
arrival to Dr. Richard Eells, and he at once took steps to help 
the fugitive on his way to Canada. The Doctor had a good 
buggy and a fast horse, and after giving the black man a dry 
shirt and a pair of pantaloons, started north, no doubt expecting 
to reach the next station, where other friendly parties would take 
up the escaping slave and in like manner send him forward. 
The master had in pursuit arrived in Quincy by the time the 
Doctor had taken possession of the fugitive and had given him 
dry clothing. A party was soon started in aid of the master to 
recapture the slave. Members of the pursuing party were sent 
out of town in every direction, and soon some of them met with 
the Doctor, hailed him and ordered him to halt, but he did not 
halt, and having the fastest horse he soon drew away from this 
party of the pursuers, but quickly it was found that another 
squad of pursuers was about to meet or overtake him, when 
he ran his buggy close to the fence of a corn-field and told the 
black man to jump over into the field and keep hidden as long 
as he could. The negro man thus escaped for the time, but be- 
fore morning he was captured by Sam Pearson and brought in 
and lodged in jail. The Doctor, immediately after discharging 
his freight in this abandoned manner, rushed through and passed 
his pursuers and returned to his home, where he was soon after- 
wards pursued and where the buggy was found, and in it the 
wet tow linen shirt and breeches which had been worn by the 
poor negro. The next day a warrant was sworn out by the 
master and before the writer, then a Justice of the Peace. 
Dr. Eells had a preliminary trial to determine whether he should 
be held to bail to answer the charge of harboring and aiding 
the fugitive to escape from the service of his master. The ex- 
amination took place in the Court House and was largely 
attended, with able lawyers upon each side. The Doctor was 
held to bail. The case was afterwards tried in the Circuit 
Court, I believe before Judge Douglas, and Eells was convicted 



72 

and fined. The case thence went to the Supreme Court of the 
State, and finally to the Supreme Court of the United States. 
Both decisions may be found both in our own reports and in 
those of the United States. The Justice of the Peace delivered 
a written opinion, and he is now almost sorry to say all the 
Courts above him took substantially the same views of the case 
that he had taken. The affair cost Dr. Eells many thousands of 
dollars, and almost broke him up, but the great notoriety of the 
Eells case, and especially when it reached the Supreme Court 
of the United States, no doubt brought some of the anti-slavery 
people of New England forward with money to assist in the 
defense. 

What we may now call the Alanson Work, James E. Burr 
and George Thompson case may be briefly stated substantially 
as follows: About July, 1841, three of our neighbors from the 
Institute — Burr, Work and Thompson — got into trouble by 
operating the Underground Railroad, as it was called. After 
Dr. David Nelson had left Missouri, he settled with his family 
within a few miles of Quincy. The Doctor was a man of talent 
and always restless in his efforts to promote the cause of Chris- 
tianity as he understood it, and also the cause of Christian edu- 
cation. He had gone to the East, and we believe, especially to 
Boston, seeking aid in his educational projects. With Dr. Nel- 
son's great ability and energy, both as a speaker and conversa- 
tionalist, he soon interested a number of people in the East, and 
raised some money, though not a large amount, with which to 
commence and carry on his educational plans. The main idea 
was to educate young men for missionaries. Several branches 
of the main school, called "Institutes," were established in the 
county, but the main or central school, or institute, was estab- 
lished just outside of the then limits of Quincy, but east of and 
near the present Twenty-fourth street, now within the city. 
The main building was a plain brick, of not large dimensions, 
but it was surrounded by a number of small one-story structures 
called student's lodges. For a time a man by the name of 
Hunter — the Rev. Moses Hunter — presided over this institute. 
He appeared an old man when he first came here; but it was 
said he was possessed of great knowledge and education, a 
good Greek and Hebrew scholar, and with all quite a superior 
man, and dressed himself in a sort of seamless robe, in imitation 
of the robe of Christ. Mr. Hunter finally died at Chicago on 
his was East in 1843. It soon became the understanding that 



73 

nearly all connected with the Institute were intense Abolitionists. 
This, from subsequent observation, I now believe was literally 
true. It will be remembered that a man named Williams was 
mentioned in these pages as having been ordered out of Mis- 
souri by the people there as a dangerous Abolitionist, &c. I 
believe this same Williams came here to Quincy, after leaving 
Missouri, and was well acquainted with and in full sympathy with 
the Institute people, under Hunter. Alanson Work and two 
others — young men from the Institute, whose names I have 
mentioned — upon a certain day, it appears, crossed the Missis- 
sippi River from this side to the Missouri shore, near or not 
far below the mouth of the Fabius River. They crossed in a 
skiff, and soon after were suddenly surrounded and captured by 
a large party of Missourians, and were almost immediately 
committed to jail in Palmyra. Their accusation written over 
against them was "Nigger Thieves." They were accused of 
coming over to carry oft' some slaves, who were by previous 
arrangement to have met Work and his companions. The 
prisoners were confronted with a negro who said he had been 
persuaded by some white men from over the river to bring 
some slaves to the point of landing to be carried away, and had 
agreed to do it, but instead had revealed the project to his 
master. Work and his companions were indicted, tried, con- 
victed and sentenced to the penitentiary at Jefferson City, Mis- 
souri, for a term of twelve years. It always was, however, a 
curious fact that though there seemed no legal evidence against 
Work and his compainions — the testimony of the negro not be- 
ing legal evidence — the jury seemed, however, to have no 
trouble in finding a verdict of guilty for stealing or rather at- 
tempting to steal the slaves. They were on the 12th of Sep- 
tember, 1841, sentenced to serve twelve years in the Missouri 
penitentiary. At the time of their conviction, in addition to 
there being no law to punish an attempt to entice slaves to run 
away from the service of their masters, there was no legal evi- 
dence against them of any sort. The legislature of Missouri 
long afterwards passed a law to punish attempts to entice slaves 
to run away, &c. These men were all, however, pardoned by 
the Governors of Missouri before their final sentence of twelve 
years had expired. Work was released at the end of three 
years, six months and seven days; Burr at the end of four years, 
six months and seventeen days; and Thompson at the end of 
four years, eleven months and twelve days. I joined with others 



. 74 

in a petition for Work's pardon, and after his release he came 
to see me. I do not know if he is living at this date. 
With Dr. Eells, Work, and others of our Institute people, it 
seemed really easier to be martyrs than to keep away from 
helping the slave to escape from his master. By this time the 
people of Marion County had become well acquainted with the 
location and anti-slavery character of the Institute, and one 
night in the winter — exact date not remembered — a gang of 
fellows from Marion County — the Mississippi River being frozen 
over — silently marched across and out Broadway to the location 
of the building and burned the Institute to the ground. 

The amount of town taxes of 1836-7 may be understood from 
the fact that the highest city tax upon a single lot, as appears by 
the notice for the sale, dated November 11, 1837 — that lot being 
lot 3, block 11, in the original Town of Quincy — was twenty- 
five dollars. The tax upon many lots ran down as low as 
twenty-five cents. I believe no other single lot in the town for 
that year was taxed for more than twenty-five dollars for city 
or town purposes. This lot has since been sold by sub-divisions 
and is now worth not less than $50,000, the present annual 
taxes not less than $2,000. I use this lot as an illustration of 
the rise in prices and taxation, because I am most familiar with 
the history of the premises. It is the lot on the corner of Fifth 
and Hampshire streets, south side of Hampshire, and is 99 by 
198 feet. 

The second newspaper established here — the Quincy Whig 
— put forth its first number on the 5th day of May, 1838. The 
first paper, the Illinois Bounty Land Register \ the first number 
of which was issued April 17, 1835, as we nave mentioned. 
This paper, having passed through several changes of name, 
has arrived at its present name of the Quincy Herald. The 
Whig still retains its old name, Quincy Whig ; but, like the 
Herald,'m its journey since Saturday, May 5th, 1838, has passed 
through several names, as Republican, Whig and Republican^ 
and back again to simple Whig. The Herald, starting under 
the name of the Illinois Bounty Land Register, is now over 46 
years old, whilst the Whig is now over 43 years old. Both 
these papers have always been substantially representative of 
two great parties, which have confronted each other since 1828 
and 1832. Though party issues have somewhat changed, still 
the germs of two great antagonistic parties in our country have 
been kept alive. The Democrat was antagonistic to the Whig. 



75 

The Whig gravitated towards the Republican. The Republi- 
can absorbed the Whig. The Democrat still holds his name, 
or the name his party took before the name Whig was applied to 
its opponents. The Quincy Whig was at first edited by N. Bush- 
nell and Andrew Johnston, and published weekly by H. V. 
Sullivan. Mr. Sullivan had been for a time a partner in the 
publication of the first paper published here, which had assumed 
the name of the Quincy Argus. Not long after the establish- 
ment ot the Whig, its temporary editors, N. Bushnell and An- 
drew Johnston, retired, and Sylvester M. Bartlett, late of Galena, 
became its editor. Mr. Bartlett was a practical printer, and as 
an editor soon attained the highest rank, both for courage and 
talent. He is remembered by the old Whigs of the county with 
undying affection. 

The importance of Quincy as a land center, bringing many 
visitors here upon land business, made it necessary that we' 
should have here at least one good and large hotel. It was to 
John Tillson, Jr., that we became as a town indebted for the 
Quincy House — commenced in 1836 and finished and occupied 
in 1838. Its first landlord was Mr. William Munroe, late of 
Boston. He was with his good wife and several daughters soon 
found to be the right people in the right place. Both in the 
line of their business and socially, and wherever they have been, 
this family, from its head down, have been honored, respected 
and loved. The Quincy House under its first management was 
certainly equal, if not superior, to any other hotel then in exist- 
ence in Illinois. Mr. Munroe went from Quincy to St. Louis, 
where for a time he kept the Munroe House there. All of this 
estimable family except one member, I believe, are now dead. 

Prior to the grading of Hampshire street from the public square 
to the river, we had no direct roadway to the river, the usually 
traveled route from the top of the hill down to the river passed 
diagonally from a point near the corner of Third and Hampshire 
streets to the foot of Vermont street. In 1838 and 1839, we be- 
lieve Hampshire street was opened through the rocky bluffs 
down to Front street. Thus Hampshire was the first one of the 
streets in the original town plat opened, and though its grade 
was too steep, it has yet been one of the most traveled streets in 
the city. In a business point, the opening of the west end of 
Hampshire street secured to that street quite an advantage. 

During the winter of 1838-9, the Mormons, in the midst of 
cold weather, in a suffering condition, in great numbers, being 



76 

driven from Missouri, took shelter here. They were kindly 
treated by our citizens, many of the men finding temporary em- 
ployment in the town. 

Our first fire department was organized. Our first fire engine, 
old No. i, was purchased for $1,124.38. Our population in 
1839 was about 1,850. Of this old No. 1 hand-engine we have 
the liveliest recollection. It was its good fortune to have per- 
formed several distinguished feats, one on Hampshire street and 
one under the hill, in staying the progress of fires already in full 
blast. 

The hard cider and coon skin political campaign occurred in 
1840. Since this memorable year there have been many exciting 
political gatherings in Quincy. Theretofore our campaigns, 
especially as conducted by the old Whig and Democratic masses, 
had been quite tame and subdued, in comparison with the spon- 
taneous outburst for "Tippecanoe and Tyler, too." To give an 
idea ot how the campaign of 1840 was conducted, we sketch 
mainly from memory. On the morning of May 9, 1840, a 
national salute was fired from the bluff south of Maine street, 
and this was the signal for the gathering of the one hundred and 
forty-one delegates which had previously been appointed from 
this place to attend the county convention to be held at 
Columbus. These delegates, or such of them as could at- 
tend the meeting at Columbus, were formed into procession 
around the public square by the marshals, Levi B. Allen, Jacob 
Gruell and Harrison Dills. First there came a troop of horse 
two abreast. Then came a large yellow wagon drawn by four 
horses, in which was the band of the Quincy Grays in full blast, 
the carriage being surmounted by the flag of Harrison and 
Tyler. Next came the cannon with the United States flag, 
drawn by two horses, upon a gun carriage. One flag had upon 
it a representation of a log cabin with a coon skin nailed up on 
the side. But the chief attraction and cynosure of all eyes was 
the canoe on wheels. This was a long one, resting upon four 
wheels and drawn by four horses. In the canoe — which I sup- 
pose was intended in some way to refer to old "Tippecanoe," 
that is, General Harrison — about midship was a full barrel of 
hard cider — very hard — and hanging upon the barrel was a 
large gourd. In the hind end of the canoe sat our old friend, 
George Chapman, the cooper, with a paddle in his hands, going 
through the motions of "paddling his own canoe." After the 
canoe came a long train ot wagons and carriages carrying flags, 



77 

and bringing up the rear was two mail coach stages. Of the 
one hundred and forty-one delegates appointed to this Columbus 
convention, most of them are dead. The following are living: 
John Field, Charles Maertz, L. Bull, Jr., W. H. Gage, T. 
Brougham, A. C. Root, L. Kingman, S. P. Church, Wm. Dick- 
hut, H. H. Hoffman, H. S. Kemp, H. V. Sullivan, H. Dills, 
J. V. W. Dutcher, A. Johnston, H. Asbury, Adam Schmitt, Ed- 
ward Wells, John Wheeler, N. Pinkham, James T. Baker, and 
Dr. Doway. The meeting collectively which appointed these 
delegates called itself Democratic- Whig. The survivors as 
above are now all but two, we believe, called Republicans. 
Brooks, of the Argus, had a very funny article in that paper 
describing the procession as it marched out of town. He had a 
hit at nearly every one, but his description of one lawyer, whom 
he called the "great pantomime orator," made everybody laugh 
at the hit. The gentleman referred to, Charles Gilman, Esq. 
though a most excellent lawyer, now dead, was noted for his 
quiet and mild manner of gesticulation in speaking. The Whig 
raccoon and hard cider campaign of 1840 has had its counter- 
part ever since in that enlightened and patriotic sentiment of the 
Democracy represented by the tin chicken cock away up on the 
hickory pole — the higher the better. 

Having arrived somewhat with the current of events to this 
year, A. D. 1840, I must take up as best I can matters of sup- 
posed interest in a short, retrospective way, without strict re- 
gard to succeeding events or exact dates, treating less of indi- 
viduals and more of general results and matters. 

As stated, from the laying off of Quincy in 1825 to the early 
part of 1834 we had no local laws. From 1834 to the date of 
our first charter, adopted by a vote of the people in 1840, we 
were under the general laws of the State. The vote for the 
charter was 228; against it, 12; population, 2,319. 

The Quincy Library, the only public library legally estab- 
lished here under the laws of the State, was organized in the 
year 1837. There were one or more attempts at establishing a 
library here prior to 1837, but there now remains no trace of 
them. The Quincy Library, now over forty-four years old, it 
is hoped has already laid a foundation for a popular and valuable 
institution yet to grow up among us. Seeing the short-lived 
nature of most voluntary societies which have sprung up here, 
and after a brief period have died in their infancy, never passing 
their period of "dentation," we may reasonably hope that the 



78 

Quincy Library, now forty-four years of age, may meet with 
many friendly hands to help prolong its life and with enlarged 
usefulness. Among the early friends of the Quincy Library 
I must mention Samuel Jonas, who was its President for many 
years, and even in his last will and testament did not forget it. 
Since the writer has resided in Quincy, now over forty-eight 
years, we have had all manner of organizations, charitable and 
otherwise, such as Lyceums, Debating Societies, Washing- 
tonians, Teetotallers, Temperance Societies, Red Men's Socie- 
ties, and many others. In this history we shall not be able to 
find large room for any of these organizations, however merito- 
rious. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



The City Charter of 1840 and Subsequent Amendments 
and Additions — The Original Boundary of the 
Town of Quincy and the Present Bounda- 
ries and Areas — Some Short Notes 
of Events up to 1850. 



|w|N the year 1841 our population had increased to 2,686, and 
HI for the first time the public square, now Washington Park, 
was enclosed. Prior to this time it had remained an open and 
neglected spot. Its enclosure created some comment and com- 
plaint among the people of the county outside of the city. The 
farmers had up to this time considered the square, as it was 
called, a good place upon which to feed their teams, show stud 
horses, and as a sort of free exchange. The land upon which 
the original Town of Quincy was laid out had been entered by 
Adams County for a county seat, under an act of Congress. 
The county being the original owner, and having laid out the 
town with its streets, public landing and two squares — one of 
which was for a cemetery — our country friends could not see 
that the streets and squares, after the sale of the town lots front- 
ing upon those streets and squares, should not still belong to 
Adams County. Neither could some of them see, though the 
county nad entered the land for a county seat, why, by a vote 
of the people, as they phrased it, the county seat could not be 
removed. The fact is that Mr. Willard Keyes was the first 
settler upon the quarter section upon which the original town of 
Quincy was laid out, and but for the act of Congress in favor of 
county seats, and also for Mr. Keyes' consent that the county 
should have the land for the county seat, the County of Adams 
never would have owned the tract. Judge Snow, who made the 



80 

original plat, more than once informed the writer and others 
that the tier of lots on the east side of the square were originally 
designed for the public buildings, and it never was intended that 
the public buildings of the county should be erected upon the 
square. It was designed for its present use — a public park- 
in the year 1842 Maine street was opened through from 
Third street to the river. In opening this street a large portion 
of the high mound in its track, before that time called "Mount 
Pisgah," was removed, and in it were found many human 
skeletons — these bones, like others found in our mounds, seemed 
to lie upon or to be mixed with charcoal — probably giving a 
hint of cremation. 

In the month of June, 1844, we had the great flood in the 
upper Mississippi River. The water rose to a greater height 
than it had risen at any time during the twenty preceding years. 
The upper Mississippi, the Missouri and the Illinois Rivers all 
rose to great height at the same time, and thus at St. Louis the 
flood of 1844, I believe, exceeded any preceding or subsequent 
event of the kind — unless last year's flood exceeded it — though 
the upper Mississippi has more than once since been higher 
than it was in 1844. This year was the time of the great race 
for the presidency between Clay and Polk. The old hard cider 
and coon skin element, which had its origin in the political cam- 
paign of 1840, still lingered among us. I saw a stout young 
"Whig at the Peoria convention, in June, 1844, equipped for 
business — dressed entirely in coon-skin clothing, coon-skin cap 
with the tail hanging down his back, and a live coon on each 
shoulder. Though it was hot weather the young man did not 
seem to care, and his appearance excited great fun and enthusi- 
asm. I can see him now as his stalwart form seemed to chal- 
lenge the world. But it all did no good, the great Harry of 
the West was beaten. Polk, Dallas and Texas was too much 
for him. 

The steamboat Potosi exploded at the wharf, killing two and 
scalding several persons. 

Our people were greatly excited by hearing, on the 27th of 
July, 1844, that the so-called prophet Joseph Smith had been 
murdered in the jail at Carthage. Quincy had extended to the 
Mormon people, when driven out of Missouri, as I have stated, 
very especial kindness and assistance. They came here in win- 
ter and were suffering; we had heard much pro and con about 
the Mormons, but suffering women and children were among 



81 

them, and we did for their necessities all we could do. Ever 
since their arrival, and especially since their settlement at 
Nauvoo, until their removal thence, our people had been kept 
in excitement about these Mormons. At the time of Smith's 
death there were very few of our community, who felt much 
sympathy for this strange people, but the news of his death 
in jail created deep feeling here. No one could justify the act of 
his murder in prison. Perhaps there is no city in the Union 
which has been so often the victim of adverse outside disturb- 
ances as Quincy. For a long time we had upon us, by reason 
of our border location, the slavery question, then the Mormon 
question, and then the war of the rebellion question. We may 
truly say, that left alone, or left to deal with all social questions 
and problems among ourselves, like those communities in the 
interior, or those beyond such surroundings as those of Quincy, 
we should have had more peace and quietness at least. Now it 
is all over; a retrospect of our history shows that we have been 
a forbearing, generous and loving people, giving shelter to all 
who ran to us in time of trouble. We are all now glad that it 
has been so. 

In 1845, on the 7th of April, the city for the first time voted 
for additional taxes for school purposes. Of our public schools 
we are proud; they are the best public institution among us. 
One feature in their management is worthy of note, namely: 
we are not very particular where a poor boy or girl comes from 
to entitle him or her to come in and learn. Perhaps the time 
may come when we will be compelled to be more strict con- 
cerning the admission of children to our common schools by 
enforcing the laws of locality. 

By the May census of 1848, our population was 5,865. This 
year, June 21, we were visited by a tornado which destroyed 
several buildings. The first steamboat built here was launched 
March 18. The telegraph, via Springfield from St. Louis, was 
finished October 20. 

On the 17th of March, 1849, Asiatic cholera broke out here. 
Among other deaths was that of Enoch Conyers, mayor of the 
city. Estimated number of deaths, 400. As late as 1851 a 
number of deaths occurred here from cholera; it was stated as 
many as 200, but I think this number too large. Thus the dis- 
ease lingered among us from 1849 to 1851. Our first railroad 
meeting was held at the Court House, January 2, 1849. Some 

very eloquent speeches were made, going to show that the city, 

6 J 



82 

if she would subscribe for stock, would be very sure to reap 
large and permanent dividends. The city did subscribe, but, as 
the boys say, her dividend were "in a horn," Work was com- 
menced on the C, B. & Q. railroad in 185 1. 

In 1850, C. M. Woods started here our first daily newspaper, 
called the Daily 'Journal. The paper did not long survive, but 
it laid the foundation for the other papers to build upon. Mr. 
Woods started the first weekly paper, as also the first daily. 
He is now in California, and he took with him when he left us 
the good wishes ot all who knew him. He published for a time 
the Quincy Tribune, a campaign paper in the interest of Mr. Van 
Buren. Its No. 1, Vol. 1, I have before me as I write. It was 
edited by an association of gentlemen: Charles B. Lawrence, 
Sam Willard, Thomas Pope, Timothy Rogers, Allen Comstock 
and Lucius Kingman. The first number is dated September 
13, 1848. It went for free soil, free speech, free labor for free 
men. Its principles were declared not sectional — no more slave 
territories, and no more slave States — yet no interference by 
Congress with slavery within the limits of any State. Uncon- 
nected with all former parties, they were for humanity, for free- 
dom, and for true democracy. As showing the invincible 
progress of ideas, I feel justified in saying that Jeff Davis, Bob 
Toombs & Co. did not like this platform, and that every one of 
these gentlemen editors and publishers of the Tribune in 1848, 
and all of them are still living, are now republicans. They said 
that the Baltimore convention had rejected the Wilmot proviso 
forbidding slavery in territories and had nominated Cass, and that 
the Philadelphia convention had rejected the proviso and nom- 
inated Taylor and they could therefore support neither. Mr. 
Van Buren had revenge in the election of Taylor, as Judge 
Douglas had his in i860 in the election of Lincoln. Both the 
old Democratic and Whig parties in 1848 tried hard not to see 
the "nigger in the wood-pile," but still he was there. In i860 
the great body of the old Whigs of the free States had fully en- 
dorsed the principles of the Quincy Tribune of 1848. 

Our first city charter, called the old city charter, was ap- 
proved February 3, 1840 — over forty-one years ago. This 
charter was a most excellent one, and we fear its subsequent 
amendments have not improved it. It contained eight chapters 
or articles, embracing the following subjects, viz.c 

Article i, Section 1. Boundaries of the city, beginning in 
the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River, west of 



83 

the south line of Jefferson street, thence up the river with said 
channel to a point due west of the northern extremity of Pease's 
addition to said town, thence due east to the eastern side of Wood 
street now Twelfth street), thence due south along Wood street to 
a point due east from the place of beginning, thence due west 
down the south side of Jefferson street to the place of beginning. 
The present Board of Trustees of the Town of Quincy were 
required on or before the ist of March thereafter to divide the 
city into three wards, &c. 

Article 2. Of the City Council. 

Article 3. Of the Chief Executive Officer. 

Article 4. Of Elections. 

Article 5. Of the legislative powers of the City Council. 

Article 6. Of the Mayor. 

Article 7. Miscellaneous provisions. 

The first charter had very properly provided that the mayor 
of the city should be a freeholder; this provision was repealed 
at the instance of one of our representatives in the legislature by 
the act of January 7, 1841, which also amended the first charter. 
This amendment also followed the old constitutional provision 
upon the subject of voters — which it was contended allowed any 
white man above the age of 21 years who had resided in the 
State six months preceding any election to vote, whether he 
was a citizen of the United States or not. 

The writer was first elected a justice of the peace at the No- 
vember election, 1836. I was always a Whig and Republican, 
and my opponent had been a Whig, but turned Democrat just 
before the election. The contest was close. I had some good 
friends among the Democrats and they went for me, though 
they voted for Van Buren for President. Some of these Ger- 
man friends had been here not over six months and were not 
citizens of the United States. We voted then viva voce, or 
"sing out your choice." Some of the writer's friends under- 
stood no English, but having been impressed by my friends to 
vote for Asbury — they had retained my name only — and after 
giving their names to the clerks of the election when they come 
up to vote, were asked by the judges, "Who do you vote 
for?" to which they promptly replied, "For Asbury." "Who 
do you vote for for President?" to which they promptly replied, 
"For Asbury;" then who do you vote for for magistrate?" that 
was a stumper, but after a little they said, "For Van Buren." 
This thing had gone on for a time and the writer finding it out 



84 

appealed to the judges to correct the vote according to the in- 
tention of the voter, which was to vote for Asbury for justice of 
the peace. The judges agreed to explain to the next voters, so 
as to avoid further mistakes; but the first votes recorded for 
Asbury for President and Van Buren for justice of the peace, 
were lost to both. Whilst upon this subject of my first election, 
now near forty-six years ago, seeing that the statute of limita- 
tions has run out long ago, I may as well tell all I know about 
it. I was made a candidate and elected by my friends, and did 
nothing in the premises, except to do as advised to do by those 
who knew more than I did. A few days before the election I 
was told to go to the grocery of a certain man, always my 
friend, but now dead, and to inform him that I was a candidate, 
&c, and that I knew of some Iriends who occasionally came into 
his grocery — bye the bye, he had two of them — and I wanted 
him to give them something to drink, after they had voted, of 
course, to mark it all down, and I could come around to the 
captain's office in a day or two and settle. At the two places, 
as I now recollect, there was a hundred marks against me, at 
five cents each. I could stand that, only five dollars. After the 
polls closed, however, and it was found that I was elected by some 
thirty votes, in passing to my place of boarding past the principal 
grocery, they saw and hauled me in, and with great hand- 
shaking and shoulder slapping, congratulated me. Of course I 
again set up beer all around, and when about starting for the 
door, an old friend, now dead, said, "Asbury, I want some 
Rhine wine; I'm tired of beer." To this I, of course, replied, 
"Let him have whatever he wants." Being elected, I felt rich 
with fifteen dollars in my pocket — all I had in the world ; went 
home happy. The next day I called to settle, and was informed 
that my friends had made a merry night of it, and the grocery 
keeper said that I had said let them have what they want, and 
they had taken me at my word, drinking and carousing all 
night, singing and shouting for Asbury and Van Buren. As 
this narrative progressed, I began to feel scared, but timidly 
asked how much. In response the grocery keeper said that the 
bill was only forty-two dollars; that they took all his Rhine 
wine — thirty bottles, at one dollar a bottle — and so my poor 
fifteen dollars did not meet the demand, but borrowing enough 
money I at once paid the bill. This was the first and last time 
I treated at an election, and now I don't believe it gained me a 
single vote. In Quincy, in 1836, the sum of even forty-two 
dollars was a large amount to a young greenhorn fellow without 
any money. 



85 

The City of Quincy,like most of our young cities in the State, 
has had considerable legislation in her behalf, or in her supposed 
interests. I deem it proper to the end that such of my readers 
as may wish to trace back this legislation, as perhaps somewhat 
affecting sundry interests, to give a list of these several acts 
with their dates, as follows: 

The act of 1841, exempting the county from the support of 
paupers within the city. 

The act of March 3, 1845, relating to city warrants, State 
law. 

The act of February 14, 1845, to amend the city charter pro- 
viding for a school tax of one-eighth of one per cent. 

The act of February 27, 1847, to erect the City of Quincy 
into a common school district. By this law the care and super- 
intendence of these schools was made to devolve upon the City 
Council. The writer had been a member of the old School 
Board of Trustees, and prepared the bill substantially as it 
passed into a law. 

The act to amend the charter of the City of Quincy approved 
February 27, 1847. 

The act to authorize John Wood to lay out a part of the north- 
west quarter of section eleven, township two, south, range nine, 
west, as a burying-ground to be called Woodland Cemetery, 
&c, approved January 16, 1847. 

The act approved February 15, 1851, to provide for assess- 
ments of property in Quincy for State taxes, &c, and exempting 
Quincy from the operation of township organization. 

An act was approved (see State laws) November 6, 1849, 
supplemental to the act to provide for a general system of rail- 
road corporations. 

The act of February — , , authorizing Quincy to levy a 

special tax for purposes therein mentioned, and in the same 
year, but February 15, as to date (see charter of 1857, page 17) 
an act authorizing incorporated cities to change, alter and vacate 
streets, &c. 

The act approved February 27, 1854, relates chiefly to the 
office of police magistrates. 

The act approved January 17, 1855, amendatory, &c, of the 
act of February 3, 1840, to incorporate the City of Quincy, and 
among other things re-defining and extending corporate limits, 
thus: "Beginning in the middle of the main channel of the 
Mississippi River at a point due west from the northwest corner 



86 

of section thirty-five, in township one, south, range nine, west, 
running thence east to said northwest corner of said section thirty- 
five ; thence east on the north line of said section thirty-five and 
to the northeast corner of said section thirty-six; thence east on 
the north line of section thirty-one, in township one, south, range 
eight, west, two rods ; thence south at the distance of two rods, 
aforesaid, east of the east line of the aforesaid section thirty-six and 
of the east line of sections one and twelve, in township two, south, 
range nine, west, to a point two rods east of the southeast cor- 
ner of the north half of said section twelve; thence west along 
the south line of said north half of said section twelve and the 
south line of the north half of section eleven, in the last afore- 
said township and range, to the southwest corner of said north 
half of section eleven ; thence west to the middle of the main 
channel of the Mississippi River; thence up said river along the 
main channel thereof to the place of beginning; all within the 
County of Adams, and State of Illinois." And by the act of 
February 28, 1867, there was attached to the city, and is within 
the corporation, the following: "Beginning at the intersection 
of the north line of Broadway and the east line of Twenty-fourth 
street, in said city, and running thence due east to the north- 
west corner of the northeast quarter of section six, in township 
two, south, range eight, west; thence due south to a point due 
east of the southwest corner of the 'Quincy Cemetery'; thence 
due west to the east line of said Twenty-fourth street; and thence 
due north along said street to the beginning." The present 
boundaries of Quincy, including half of the Mississippi River 
in its front may be stated as follows: The city front in and upon 
the river is two and a half miles. The river at this point is sub- 
stantially one mile in width — one-half of this width or to the 
middle of the main channel gives an area of five quarter sections, 
or 800 acres of the water of the river within the city 
limits. Our land area embraces substantially five quarter sec- 
tions from west to east, or two and a half miles, and also five 
quarter sections from north to south, or two and a half miles ; 
so that including the water area of Quincy, and also including 
the last addition, formerly called East Quincy, the present city 
contains substantially (26) twenty-six quarter sections, or 4,160 
acres, of which 800 acres is in the Mississippi River, leaving 
our dry land area only 3,360 acres. We may remark here that 
it sometimes becomes of interest in census matters, to know the 
area of a town or city in connection with the number of its in- 



87 

habitants. For the convenience of reference in examining titles 
we state that Quincy contains all of section thirty-six and thirty- 
five, one south, nine west, and all of sections one, two, north 
half of eleven and twelve, two south, nine west, besides 160 
acres, the part of six, two south, eight west, upon which the old 
East Quincy is situated. As somewhat illustrative of the im- 
portance ot boundaries upon the census question, I insert here 
the boundaries of our sister city of Peoria, as furnished us from 
her record, viz. : The corporate limits and jurisdiction of the 
City of Peoria shall embrace and include within the same all of 
fractional section two; all of fractional section three; the south 
half of section four; the northeast quarter of section four; the 
south half of the northwest quarter of section four; the south- 
east quarter of section five; the south half of the southwest 
quarter of section five; all of section eight; fractional section 
nine; fractional section ten; fractional section sixteen; fractional 
section seventeen; township eight, north, range eight east of the 
fourth principal meridian, and to the middle of Lake Peoria 
and Illinois River. I have not now before me an exact state- 
ment of the areas of the fractional sections within the boundaries 
of Peoria, but having been for a time register of the United 
States land office here, I became very familiar with the plat of 
township eight, north, eight, east and have made a calcu- 
lation of the number of acres of the land area of that city, and 
judge it to be not less than 5,000; her water area, which in- 
cludes a part of Lake Peoria, amounts to nearly as much as 
that of Quincy, or at least to 600 acres, that of Quincy being 
800 acres. The land area of Quincy is, as stated, 3,360 acres. 
So that the land area of Peoria is 1,640 acres more than that of 
Quincy. Including the water area of both, Peoria has, say 
5,600 acres, whilst Quincy has 4,160 acres. 

An act to amend an act for the better government of towns 
and cities, and to amend the charter thereof, was approved 
February 15, 1855. 

An act to amend an act entitled "An Act to Incorporate 
Woodland Home for Orphans and Friendless," was approved 
February 18, 1859. 

An act passed providing for the vacation of streets, alleys, and 
town plats; the act applied to all towns and cities, and was ap- 
proved February 19, 1859. 

An act in relation to the City of Quincy was approved 
February 20, 1861. This act authorized the issuing and sale of 



88 

city bonds a sufficient amount to pay the January and July in- 
stallments of interest upon indebtedness for 1861, &c. 

An act to establish a Board of Education in the City of 
Quincy was approved February 20, 1861, and on the 22d of the 
same month a supplemental act upon the same subject was ap- 
proved. 

On the 20th of January, 1857, an act was approved to reduce 
the law incorporating the City of Quincy and the several acts 
amendatory thereof into one act and to amend the same. Since 
and before this time several acts of our legislature have been 
passed affecting our city, among them the act of February 14, 
1863, limiting city taxation, &c. In 1875, tne c ity published the 
revised ordinances, now in force, and generally taking up the 
copies of the revised ordinances of 1864. This was no doubt 
done to prevent comparison and misunderstanding as to the 
present ordinances of the city. The provisions of one or two 
important laws affecting the city were thus omitted in the revised 
ordinances of 1875. February 16, 1857, there was approved an 
act supplemental, &c, to the act to reduce the law incorporating 
Quincy, &c. This curious law authorized the City Council of 
the City of Quincy, Illinois, (anything contained in the act to 
which this was a supplement notwithstanding) to issue city 
bonds to any amount not exceeding at one time in the aggregate 
the sum of $75,000, and not bearing a rate of interest higher 
than eight per cent per annum, the interest to be paid 
annually or semi-annually, at the option of the said City Coun- 
cil. Thus under this law, the City of Quincy, Illinois, it seems 
to us, might or at least had the power, so far as the legislature 
could give it, to issue city bonds to the amount of $75,000, every 
other day, up to the time the act of February 16, 1857, was re- 
pealed, if it ever was repealed. These bonds might be sold at 
any price, for in their sale they were not restricted in that re- 
spect. The legislature of Illinois, it seems, has never had 
time or disposition to disappoint any one who wanted anything. 
Somebody wanted this law. 

January 26, 1859, there was approved an act to confirm an 
act entitled "An act to reduce the law incorporating the City of 
Quincy," &c, &c. This original law to reduce, &c, after it had 
passed was found to be minus the enacting clause; hence that 
act to confirm the same, though some other matters, as the 
making three collection districts for the city— thus instead of one 
city collector, we were to have three — all to be elected at the 
annual charter election. 



89 

There was approved February 14, 1863, an act amendatory 
to the several acts relating to the City of Quincy, to provide for 
raising a revenue therein and regulating costs arising under the 
charter and ordinances of said city. This act provided for but 
one collection district, and that the city should not be required 
to give security for costs in any prosecutions or suits arising 
under the charter or ordinances of said city, &c. Section 4 
reads: "The City Council of said city shall have power to levy 
and collect, annually, taxes on real and personal property within 
the limits of said city as follows: On real and personal property 
within, or which may be hereafter within, portions of said city 
lighted with gas, to meet the expenses thereof, not exceeding 
twenty-eight cents on each hundred dollars per annum of the 
annual assessed value thereof. On all real and personal prop- 
erty within the limits of said city, to meet the expenses of 
obtaining school grounds, and erecting, repairing and improving 
school buildings and grounds, and providing teachers and main- 
taining public schools in said city, and to be devoted exclusively 
for such purposes, not exceeding twenty-five cents on each one 
hundred dollars per annum on the assessed value thereof; pro- 
vided, that no more than eighteen cents on each one hundred 
dollars aforesaid shall be levied in any year for such purposes, 
without concurrence of a majority of the votes of legal voters 
of said city, to be cast at an election to be ordered by said City 
Council and held to determine the rate per cent so to be levied. 
On all real and personal property within the limits of said city, 
to pay the debts and meet the general expenses of said city, not 
exceeding fifty cents on each one hundred dollars per annum on 
the annual assessed value thereof." All laws and parts of laws 
other than the foregoing provisions were repealed, as touching 
the levy and collection of taxes on property within the city, &c, 
&c, except as to streets or alleys or licenses, &c, &c. 



CHAPTER IX. 



Some Short Notes of Events or Memorabilia from 1852 
to 1874, Mostly Taken from a Concise Record of 
Historical Facts, Prepared from Private Mem- 
oranda and from Authentic Sources — 
And Some Other Matters. 



|HE article headed "Memorabilia," in the Quincy Whig of 
December 31, 1874, tne materials for which in a small part 
was prepared by the writer, and from a careful examination of 
the larger part, prepared by General Tillson, deemed by me to 
be substantially correct, I do not hesitate to use — beginning with 
the year 1853. This year Quincy was made a port of entry. 

In 1854 the population of the city was, by city census, 10,777. 
First railroad iron laid May 29. First engine started Septem- 
ber 13. Thaver's distillery burned ; loss $50,000. City lighted 
by gas December 2. 

In 1855 Woodland Home established, July 1. City limits ex- 
tended. 

In 1856 110,000 barrels of flour made in Quincy; 550,000 
bushels of wheat used. Average price of flour, $6.50; of wheat, 
$1.00 per bushel. Thus — cost of wheat, $550,000; value of 
flour, $715,000. The C, B. & Q. railroad opened to Galesburg 
February 1, thus connecting through to Chicago and the East. 

In 1857 Levi Wells, one of our early settlers and one of the 
first County Commissioners, died July 11. Mr. Wells Mved and 
died one of our most respected and worthy men. 

The city voted $50,000 to the Quincy & Palmyra railroad. 
This road, now used in connection with the Hannibal & St. Joe 
road, for some time after its completion to Palmyra, owing to 
very peculiar circumstances and prejudices, was not allowed to 



91 

connect its rails with the Hannibal & St. Joe road at Palmyra, 
and not till after the war of the rebellion had commenced was 
the connection first made by the military authorities. "The 
nigger in the woodpile" could no longer obstruct. The City of 
Palmyra, I think, never objected to the connection. Our first 
Board of Trade was organized May n — now dead — but it kept 
up a sort of legal existence until the death of Captain Joe Artus. 
The Daily Republican newspaper was started January i. This 
and all other Whig or Republican papers prior to this time 
afterwards fell into the Whig. 

In 1858 the great debate in Washington Park occurred 
between Lincoln and Douglas. 

In 1 861 Buddee & Meyer started here the first strictly whole- 
sale dry goods house. A Board of Education was established. 
Cunningham was hung for murder, in the jail yard, this year. 

In 1863 Pinkham Hall was, on the 2jst day of April, dedicated 
by the Needle Pickets. 

In 1864 the first draft occurred. 

In 1865 Rose, an alleged bushwhacker, was taken from the 
jail and hung by some of the convalescent soldiers in the hospital 
here, aided by a number of promiscuous people and inhabitants. 
Rose was, I believe, accused of having shot Mr. Trimble, a 
valuable and prominent Democratic citizen of Marcelline. 

In 1866 we had 3,732 steamboat arrivals. The first steam fire 
engine was procured this year. 

In 1867 work commenced on the railroad bridge over the 
Mississippi River. Our first horse railroad was opened irom 
the old postoffice on Maine street to the northern limits of the 
city, via Fifth street. The great fire at the corner of Maine 
and Sixth streets occurred. Old City Hall burned. 

In 1868 the railroad bridge was completed, at an alleged cost 
of $1,800,000. There were 1,898 steamboat arrivals. In 1867 
and also in 1868 the State Fair was held here. 

In 1870, May 6, the great fire corner of Fourth and Maine 
streets occurred, burning the Herald office, with many leading 
interests and buildings; loss, $200,000. 

In 1872 the Quincy, Alton & St. Louis railroad was com- 
pleted to Louisiana, Missouri. 

In 1873 * ne waterworks were commenced. 

In 1874 tne fi re on Maine street, north side, between Sixth 
and Seventh streets, occurred; loss, $28,000. The great bank 
robbery of the First National Bank occurred. The vault was 



92 

broken open and some $80,000 in money and a large amount of 
bonds stolen. The public have never known or been informed 
as to who were the robbers. All information and suspicions, it 
any exist, have been, no doubt with the ultimate hope of detect- 
ing the criminals, withheld from the public, especially from the 
newspapers. Our people, perhaps simply because this was the 
first great robbery of a bank from the outside here, wondered 
more about it than they do in New York or any where else in 
a larger city. 

As I advance by laboring steps in this veritable history, I find 
that I shall be compelled to adopt the free-and-easy and catch- 
as-I-can method of running and wrestling through it, giving 
glances at Quincy matters and making some special notes con- 
cerning some of our people in their respective avocations and 
business, telling some old time stories and anecdotes, and finally 
whatever I may remember or think of within the range of this 
book. There is no lack of material. Indeed, there are too 
many people here who justly might claim a special notice at my 
hands, but which for want of space I find it impossible to give. 

In that most valuable Fair book or pamphlet of 1867, pub- 
lished by Addison Langdon, Esq., the writer is kindly men- 
tioned as having rendered service therein. The sketch attrib- 
uted to Mr. Holmes was exceedingly valuable. Judge Henry 
L. Warren informed the writer that he had assisted, or indeed 
mainly prepared the sketch, somewhat revised and added to and 
published by Mr. Langdon in 1867. Having in some consider- 
able degree helped in the preparation of the Fair book of 1867, 
and with the consent of Mr. Langdon, I now do not hesitate to 
copy from said publication such articles as the following: 

MANUFACTURING AND COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES. 

In considering the advantages of any city as a manufacturing point, two 
things require to be especially regarded : the degree of cheapness with 
which articles may be produced, and the facilities with which they be dis- 
tributed throughout the country. 

Quincy is situated upon the Mississippi River, 160 miles above St. Louis, 
and 110 miles west of Springfield, the seat of government of Illinois — the 
county seat of Adams County, the second county in the State in population 
and wealth. She is the market for a country which is unsurpassed for 
fertility and productiveness. On the north and east, within a distance 
easily accessible by railroad, lie vast beds of superior coal, which are, as 
yet, almost undisturbed. In the neighboring counties of Hancock and 
McDonough some few veins have been opened, and a company has been 
organized which import it to some extent into the city, but considering the 
demand which even now, upon its first production exists, and with the 



93 

high price which results from imperfect apparatus and arrangements for 
mining, it may be said that as yet, comparatively nothing has been done 
toward converting to use this important element of wealth and prosperity. 
The value of coal as fuel or as a generator of steam is too well known to 
require remark. Its superior excellence and cheapness recommend it to 
universal use, and when these mines are opened and worked to the extent 
of their capacity, the advantages which Quincy will enjoy over her neigh- 
bors will be immense. Coal is not an article that admits of distant trans- 
portation for general consumption, and while they are forced to use wood 
as a fuel at a large and yearly increasing price, she may enjoy an ample 
supply of coal at a cheap and constantly decreasing rate. This single cir- 
cumstance, other things being equal, gives her great superiority as a man- 
ufacturing point. 

The price at the present time is nineteen cents per bushel, and with 
increased capital, facilities for mining and transportation, and the compe- 
tition that will ensue upon the opening to market of the large deposits in 
Brown and Schuyler counties, we may reasonably expect that it will soon 
be afforded at twelve cents per bushel. In addition to the abundance of 
coal, the cheapness of erecting buildings suitable to extensive operations, 
the abundance of labor, and the small cost of sustaining a working popu- 
lation, together with other circumstances favorable to economical produc- 
tion, all tend to designate this as the future store house and manufacturing 
center of a large extent of territory. Rafts of pine lumber are constantly 
arriving from the Upper Mississippi, but the supply heretofore has scarcely 
been commensurable with the demand. Within the past year, however, 
great attention has been paid to the production of hard wood lumber in 
the immediate vicinity of the city. Upon the bluffs adjoining on the north 
and south, on the islands in the river within a short distance above and 
below, and immediately opposite, on the Missouri shore, lie vast tracts of 
timber lands which will eventually be made to furnish not only a large 
proportion of timber required for building purposes, but also of that em- 
ployed in manufacturing wagons, household furniture, &c, to which it is 
admirably adapted. Several steam saw mills are now in active operation, 
and two or three, for a series of years, have done a large and profitable 
business; but in common with all other producing establishments, they 
have been found the past year or two, inadequate to supply the growing 
necessities of the place, and several additional ones have been erected in 
the dense forests of Missouri, opposite the city, and upon the neighboring 
islands, the influence of which is already perceptible upon the lumber 
market of Quincy. The engine and machinery necessary to run a pro- 
ductive mill may be purchased here, carried and set up within a short 
distance in the midst of an almost inexhaustible supply of walnut, oak, 
elm, maple, ash, linn, hickory, and other of the heavier kinds of timber, 
for a comparatively small sum, and the cost of getting the lumber to 
market is slight. From these facts we are justified in concluding that good 
and cheap lumber may hereafter be had in abundance. 

The bluffs in the neighborhood contain large deposits of the best lime- 
stone, admirably suited to building purposes, and extensive quarries supply 
the city with it in great abundance. Lime and brick are manufactured on 
an extensive scale, and late patented improvements have greatly facilitated 
the process, and materially lessened the expense. In short, all kinds of 
material employed in building, may be purchased in any quantities, at the 
lowest rates. 



94 

The beauty and healthfulness of the location, as well as the comparatively 
low figures at which real estate is held, have attracted to this point a large 
portion of mechanics and laboring men, who are to a large and perhaps 
unequalled extent house-holders, and proprietors of the dwellings which 
they inhabit. The exemption from exorbitant rents, the cheapness and 
abundance of fuel, the large amount of breadstuff's manufactured, and the 
fertility and productiveness of the country in which the city is situated, 
together conspire to render the cost of living comparatively small. Labor 
is thus more remunerative, although afforded at a cheaper rate, than at 
almost any other point in the West. 

This is a consideration of the highest importance to a manufacturing 
community ; and without it, establishments on an extensive scale, which 
require the employment of a large number of hands, could not be profit- 
ably conducted. The position of Quincy upon the Mississippi River 
enables her readily to import the raw material which goes to supply her 
manufactories. In addition, this great natural advantage affords 
cheap and reliable means during three-fourths of the year, for the 
distribution abroad of manufactured articles, as well as for the reception of 
materials. 

Quincy has now over 1,500 business houses, shops and places of dealing, 
embracing every variety of trade, calling and manufacture. It is deemed 
more in accordance with the present and future prospects of Quincy, and, 
if you please, with her dignity, as holding among young cities the plan of 
a fixed eminence, to treat her as already to some extent known. Her 
manufactories embrace steam flouring mills, corn meal and feed mills, 
steam saw mills, machine shops, stove foundries, other foundries, stove 
and tin-ware manufactories, copper and sheet-iron works, furniture manu- 
factories, wagon factories, carriage factories, agricultural implement facto- 
ries, copper shops, pump makers, brick makers, stone masons, stone cutters, 
lime burners, marble works, wooden-ware manufacturers, boiler makers, 
planing mills, grain distillers, brewers, soda water manufacturers, vinegar 
makers, rope makers, paper mills, printing establishments, book binderies, 
soap and candle makers, saddle and harness makers, bakers, confectionery 
manufacturers, gas works, and, indeed, every usual manufacturing pursuit 
and business. Many of these branches are run very heavily here, and 
besides supplying the home demand, send large quantities and heavy 
amounts to the west of us, up the river, and in every direction. 

MERCANTILE INTERESTS. 

The dry goods business here is very extensive — both wholesale and 
retail. It is believed that some of our jobbing houses here afford to the 
country merchant better and cheaper facilities for laying in their stocks 
than they can find any where else. The retail dry goods business here 
has, for many years, been quite extensive, and has always in the main been 
characterized by cheapness to the buyers and fair dealing towards custom- 
ers. We have here heavy hardware stores, iron stores, leather stores, 
forwarding and commission houses, wholesale grocery houses, retail 
groceries, variety stores, rectifiers and liquor dealers, lumber dealers, 
clothing stores, merchant tailors, book stores, drug stores, boot and shoe 
stores, auction houses, watch and jewelry stores, china, glass and queens- 
ware houses, tobacco and cigar stores, hat and cap stores, millinery and 
bonnet stores, ice dealers, pork packers, beef packers, fruit dealers, pack- 



95 

ing houses, and in short every sort of business houses and places of busi- 
ness and dealers usually found in cities. These interests, the mercantile, 
have heretofore been the most prominent of our interests; but as new 
veins of enterprise are struck in the more enduring and profitable pursuits 
of manufacture, we are beginning to realize our destiny as a manufactur- 
ing city more clearly. Still there is no rivalry between them, but on the 
contrary a harmony of interests. 

The Mississippi River has always been to the inhabitants 
along its margins, and especially to Quincy, an object of special 
interest, and up to the advent of our railroads almost our only 
great carrier of freights. I here note some facts concerning the 
opening of its navigation and its annual closings, as may throw 
some light upon the conduct of this Father of Waters in the 
future; as what has been, may again be: 

In 1844 navigation closed December 12. 

In 1845 navigation closed December 2. 

In 1847 navigation closed December 20. 

In 185 1 navigation closed December 18. 

In 1868 navigation closed December 26. 

I believe some of our oldest inhabitants remember one or 
more winters since 1834 during which the river did not close by 
freezing here, but we have had no entire winter when naviga- 
tion remained uninterrupted all through. 

In 1846 navigation opened March 5. 

In 1848 navigation opened January 1 ; closed on the 10th and 
re-opened on February 5. 

In 1852 navigation opened February 8. 

In 1857 navigation opened February 13. 

In 1868 navigation opened March 7. 

In 1869 navigation opened January 6, and remained open. 

I find, as published in the Quincy Herald, what purports to 
be an annual statement of the Quincy Railroad Bridge. The 
report is dated January 8, 1875, an< ^ as showing one of our 
important institutions, and the conduct of the weather and the 
stage of the river for several years, as also the excellent man- 
agement of the bridge, with other matters of interest, I make 
from it the following synopsis: 

BUSINESS OF 1874. 

Total number of trains passing <>,l- r «- 

Number of trains crossed the year before 6,519 

Loaded and empty cars 46,501 

Average detention of trains, only <>j; minutes. 

RIVER BUSINESS. 

Keokuk Northern Line boats up and down 701 

Barges up and down 318 

Quincy & Keokuk Line boats passing up and down 697 

Barges up and down 135 



96 



Transient boats up and down 612 

Barges up and down 141 

Sail boats up and down 76 

Number of barges floating under tbe bridge 56 

DETENTIONS TO STEAMBOATS. 

Sixty-two steamboats with barges in tow turned around and backed 
down through the "draw" with an average detention of 21 J minutes to 
each. The only lengthy detentions during the year are as follows: 

The steamer Lake Superior came down with three barges in tow on the 
morning of May 1, a strong wind was blowing of 3| pounds pressure. She 
turned round and backed through the draw channel, and in consequence 
was detained 1 hour and 4 minutes. 

The steamer Andy Johnson came down early on the morning of May 3; 
a strong wind was blowing at the time. She landed and tied up at the 
Missouri shore above the bridge and waited daylight before attempting 
a passage, thereby was detained 7j hours. 

The steamer Rob Hoy came down November 30 during darkness, and 
heavy anchor ice was running in the river. She landed and tied up at the 
Missouri shore above the bridge and waited daylight and the cessation of 
running ice, and was delayed 11 hours and 21 minutes. 

MISCELLANEOUS ITEMS AND OBSERVATIONS COMPARED 

WITH 1873. 



Amount of rain-fall and melted 
snow, 1874. 

Months. Inches. 

January 4£ 

February 3 

March 2\ 

April 3J 

May 2| 

June 4| 

July 5| 

August 2£ 

September b\ 

October 2 

November 4f 

December 3 



Amount of rain-fall and melted 
snow, 1873. 

Months. Inches. 

January 5£ 

February 1$ 

March 1 

April 8§ 

May 5 

June lj 

July 3f 

August S\ 

September 5f 

October 6£ 

November \\ 

December 9§ 



Total 43 Total 52| 

Amount of snow-fall during season Amount of snow-fall during 1873. 



Months. Inches. 

January 5J- 

February 6 

March If 

April 6£ 

November 7£ 

December 8 J 

Total 35J 



Months. Inches. 

January 27o 

February 7 J 

March 4| 

April — 

November — 

December 2£ 

Total 411 



97 



Av erage temperature of each 
month during the year. 

Months. Degrees. 

January 28.41-100 

February 30.00 

March 38.30 

April 42.87 

May 66.97 

June 76.79 

July 80.41 

August 75.19 

September 68.07 

October 50.15 

November 40.85 

December 31.87 

Average each month 53. 4-100 



Average temperature of each 
month in 1873. 

Months. Degrees. 

January 15.50-100 

February 25.50 

March 39.50 

April 48.00 

May 62.no 

June 77.50 

July 76.13 

August 77.50 

September 63.34 

October 49.37 

November 38.88 

December..... 32.00 



Average each month 50.43-100 



January 15, the coldest day of the year, mean temperature 2 degrees 
above zero. 

In 1873 we had the coldest day January 28, mean temperature 13 degrees 
below zero. 

January 15, at 7 a. m., the coldest observation, 6 degrees below zero. 

In 1873, January 20, the coldest observation at 7 a. m., 25 degrees below 
zero. 

August 11, the hottest day of the year, mean temperature 90§ degrees 
above zero. 

In 1873, July 15, the hottest day, 87^ degrees above zero. 

August 10, at 2 p. m., the hottest observation of the year, 101 degrees 
above zero. 

In 1873 we had the hottest observation August 31, at 2 p. m., 98 degrees 
above zero. 

March 27, the highest stage of water during the year, 10 feet above low 
water mark. 

In 1873 we had the highest water on June 18, 13 feet 6i inches above 
low water mark. 

December 31, the lowest stage of water of the year, 1 foot 51 inches 
above low water mark. 

In 1873 we had the lowest water on December 1, 3 inches above low 
water mark. 

March 14, the final disappearance of ice. 

In 1873, the final disappearance of ice, March 14. 

October 11, the first autumnal frost. 

In 1873 we had the earliest frost September 13. 

November 19, the first snow of the season. 

In 1873 we had the first snow October 24. 

November 25, the first ice running in the river. 

In 1873 we had the first ice November 18. 

April 13, the strongest wind of the year, 12 pounds pressure per square 
foot. 

In 1873 we had the strongest wind July 4, 18 pounds pressure per square 
foot. 



The river remained open almost to the end of the year, closing at 9:30 
A. m., December 31. A few boats ran irregularly during the winter months, 
but owing to the low stage of water and heavy ice running, the regular 
navigation business did not begin until March 2, and practically closed 
November 30, thus occupying 267 days, during which there was an average 
of 8 boats per day through the "draw." 

The highest number of passages in one day being 15. The average 
number of trains crossing the bridge per day during the year was 17. The 
highest number in one day being 28. The total number of cars crossing 
the bridge during the year would probably reach 50,000, but previous to 
February 4 no account was kept. The greatest number of cars crossing in 
one day was 273. 

No accidents of any kind occurred during the year. 

I find in the Herald of January, 1875, tne following tables re- 
lating to taxes, and as that is a subject likely to abide with us, 
I here append it, as follows: 

THE AMOUNT OF TAXES LEVIED IN CITY AND COUNTY FOR 1874. 

At the office of County Clerk Haselwood, we were yesterday shown the 
following statement of the tax levy in the city and county for 1874, which 
will be forwarded to the Auditor of State as required by law. The follow- 
ing is the statement: 

THE ASSESSMENT. 



Lands 

Lots 

Personal Property 

Total 



ASSESSED VALUE. 



$11,012,450 
9,913,884 
4,844,183 



$22,774,526 



EQUALIZED VAL. 



$12,170,650 

10,792,506 

4,341,426 

$27,304,582 



TAXES. 

The following are the amounts of the various taxes : 

State tax $ 81,630 22 

County tax 71,669 83 

Town tax 8,100 74 

District school tax 65,481 40 

Delinquent road tax 5,554 96 

Highway and bridge tax 13,051 09 

Corporation tax 2,993 96 

Sidewalk tax 205 50 

Back tax 4,329 13 

State tax (interest on bonds) 46,824 11 

Sny Levee tax 2,656 83 

Total tax on town lots and personal property $302,497 86 



99 
RAILROAD TAX. 

The following is a list of the tax levied upon railroad companies : 

C, B. & Q., main line $ 9,316 09 

C, B. & Q., Burlington line 7,981 98 

T., W. & W 3,715 84 

Quincy, Alton & St. Louis 1,239 78 



Total railroad tax $ 22,253 69 

Total amount of tax levied in the county $324,751 55 

TAXES BY TOWNSHIPS. 

The following is the total amount of tax levied in the several townships: 

Clayton $ 9,161 55 

North East 8,055 82 

Camp Point 16,305 64 

Houston 6,533 39 

Honey Creek 7,598 93 

Keene 5,548 34 

Lima 6,966 01 

Mendon 13,869 97 

Ursa 8,782 24 

Gilmer 7,689 01 

Columbus 5,556 60 

Concord 4,384 49 

McKee 3,671 89 

Liberty 6,973 66 

Burton 6,929 10 

Beverly 4,261 97 

Richfield 4,863 90 

Payson 12,460 85 

Ellington 17,208 66 

Melrose 11,866 30 

Fall Creek 10,931 47 

City of Quincy 122,598 70 

Of the amount of tax levied in the City of Quincy, $46,824.11 is to pay 
interest on the bonds of the city. The amount levied in the city for 
county purposes is $33,454.59. Before the recent change in the revenue law 
the city paid annually $3,000 as its share of tax for county purposes and 
supported its own paupers. Under the present arrangement, the city pays 
the same rate for county purposes as the townships, and the paupers are 
supported out of the county fund. 



CHAPTER X. 



Some Special Notes of Some of Our People and of Business 
in the Past — And Somewhat of the Present in 
Respect to Avocations and Character- 
istics — Master Humphrey's Clock 
— Mrs. Sarah Denman. 



pMDER this head 1 do not propose to run into lengthy 
gggj biographies or extended eulogies of the dead, or of praise 
of the living. In this humble effort I do not propose to attempt 
to rival "Plutarch's Lives" or "Boswell's Johnson." All those 
we have deemed our greatest or best men — now dead — will no 
doubt be well written about by abler pens than mine. To be 
very candid, I hardly think that most of our great men, when 
living, would have desired that I should be their biographer. 
Men of genius and distinction we have certainly had among us 
here in Quincy — a good many of them. Of such lawyers as 
Archibald Williams, O . H. Browning, N. Bushnell, O. C. Skinner, 
William A. Richardson, Peter JLott, and some others, now all 
dead, I have already written in short sketches of bench and bar, 
which may be added to this book. 

Of such physicians as Joseph N. Ralston, Adam Nichols, 
Samuel W. Rogers, Hiram Rogers, C. A. W. Zimmerman, Sr., 
and others, likewise all dead, I must attempt no biographies. 
These all still live in that most valuable history, though mainly 
unwritten, remaining in the memories of their successors in their 
honored profession. 

Our earliest lawyers here before 183 1 were John E. Jeffers, 
Louis Masquerier, George Logan, James H. Ralston, Archibald 
Williams, O. H. Browning, and soon after Robert R. Williams, 
James W. Whitney, Thomas Ford, afterwards Governor, 



101 

Adolphus Hubbard, who became Lieutenant Governor and died 
here, his remains lying in the present Court House square. Of 
what might be called our second batch of lawyers, here from 
1835 to 1847, there were the following: M. D. Browning, 
Henry Asbury, Peter Lott, William Darling, Jacoby Halleck, 
Ebenezer Moore, Calvin A. Warren, N. Bushnell; in 1837, 
Andrew Johnston; 1836, John R. Randolph, Charles Gilman, 
Almeron Wheat; 1839, Charles A. Savage, Horace S. Cooley; 
1840, Philo A. Goodwin; 1841, J. Quinn Thornton, William H. 
Ralston, James M. Burt, Louis M. Booth, E. J. Phillips, William 
H. Benneson; 1843, Isaac N. Morris, Egbert A. Thompson, 
Charles B. Lawrence, Charles H. Milner, Isaac M. Grover, 
Abraham Jonas, Perkins Cleveland; 1847, Adolphus Engleman, 
David L. Hough, George C. Dixon, Peachy R. Gilmer, Charles 
W. Billington, Joseph M. Higbee, George Williams — he died in 
1833 or 34, his widow became Elizabeth Lindsay, the founder 
of the Lindsay Church Home — Seth C. Sherman, Onias C. 
Skinner; 1845, Jonathan M. Bassett, Bushrod W. Lott, Homer 
Parr and John Tillson. Many of these are now dead, many of 
them were not in practice when in 1847 the list was made, and 
many of them have moved away. Only about twelve out of 
this list of forty-six, as above, are known to be now living. 

The first physician, as stated, who settled here was Dr. Baker, 
from New York, in 1826. In 1827 Dr. Harrison, and in 1833 
Dr. Ralston, both from Kentucky, came here. Not later than 
1S34 Doctors S. W. Rogers, Shepherd, Hornsby, Hiram 
Rogers and McKee, but later, though among early physicians, 
came Josiah Conyers. 

In the year 1840, prompted mainly by members of the Quincy 
Library Association, a club of ten gentlemen here formed them- 
selves into the Quincy Historical Club, formed for the preserva- 
tion of early historical events in Quincy and the Mississippi 
Valley. This club consisted of John R. Randolph, Peter Lott, 
S. W. Rogers, William H. Taylor, E. J. Phillips, Daniel Stahl, 
Almeron Wheat, Isaac M. Grover, C. M. Woods and Henry 
Asbury. At the instance of other citizens outside of the club, 
among them Joseph T. Holmes, Esq., the City Council we 
think some time after passed a resolution that the subject of a 
history of Quincy should be recommended to the club, and it 
designated Peter Lott, E.J. Phillips and Henry Asbury to col- 
lect materials and prepare such history. This committee went 
to work, and through interviews with old settlers, such as John 



102 

Wood, Willard Keyes and others, collected and wrote down 
many items concerning our early settlements and settlers. All 
this material, in its original and hastily prepared shape, is in 
the possession of the writer. A good many of the items have 
from time to time been furnished to our papers by Mr. Keyes, 
General Tillson, the writer and others. The committee of the 
club at first went to work collecting materials with great dili- 
gence. An introductory chapter was partly written by Judge 
Lott, and there it stopped. At that time we were all three of us 
busy men. Captain Phillips went away, as also in time Judge 
Lott. They are both now dead, "and I alone am left to tell the 
story." Kind reader, let this recital be my apology for attempt- 
ing this work. 

I find among the papers collected a memorandum relating to 
Quincy, without date, but in the hand-writing of Judge Lott. 
I am not able to fix the precise date this paper should bear, but 
think it must have been written between 1846 and 1848. It is 
as follows: 

Hotels — Quincy House, Virginia Hotel, Front Street House, 
Quincy Hotel, American House, Clinton House, Travellers' 
Home. Breweries — Frances', Washington, Delabar's. Beer 
shops, licenses $200 — Clinton Lunch, Alhambra, Keise's, Quincy 
House, Arthur's. Bakeries — John P. Nelch's, Ergott's, Lilly- 
bridge's, Green's, Kendall's. Saddlers — Bernard & Lockwood, 
Boyd & Allen, Day, Griffin, Ohnemus, Craig. Drug stores — 
Hoffman's, Taylor & Bro.'s, Flachs & Doway's. Confec- 
tioneries — Kendall's, Lillybridge's, Snyders, Manly's, Nelch's, 
Ergott's, William Foot's. Tailors — Parker, Brougham, Bert, 
Alger, McGowan, Cody, Groneger, Fred. Smith, Lakey, 
Emery, E. M. Davis, Dell and Pool. Blacksmiths — Slack, Step- 
perfield, Potts, McFarland, Vanfleet, Dills, Ruoff, Hilborn and 
Schwabel. 

I also find without date, but I believe it should not be later 
than 1847 or 8 — say at least thirty-four years ago — a list of our 
business men, but which also contains a few of the above 
names, viz: 

Vannest, Keis, Danake, 

John Schell, Stone, Flagg, 

Goodpasture, Thompson, Church, 

Whipple, Karnes, Truefit, 

Slaughter, Russell, Thayer, 

Miller, Brawley, Brown, 

Bidwell, Steinburg, DeYoung, 



103 



King & Jasper, 

Pope & Co., 

Bishop, 

Laage, 

Jones & Wheeler, 

Caffrey, 

Barker, 

Sage, 

Dorman, 

Manzey, 

Schultheis, 

Payne, 

Smith, 

Tandy & Sawyer, 

Chapman, 

Ruoff, 



Vincent, 

Powers, 

Fletcher, 

E. M. Davis, 

Whitney, 

Field, 

Brittingham, 

Fisher, 

Brown & McClintock, 

Clows, 

Weber, 

Butze, 

Doak & Timberman, 

Simister, 

Rice, 

Arthur. 



Roth, 

Meier, 

Murphy, 

Newcomb, 

Shultz, 

Jonas, 

Maertz, 

Konantz, 

Emerson, 

Wilgard, 

Mrs. Smith, 

Louvinet, 

Comstock, 

Allen, 

Brown & Dimock, 

Bull, 

Among the memoranda collected by our committee and 
now in my possession, I find the following, which I believe 
should be dated in 1848: 

OLD TIME BLACKSMITHS. 

Joseph Galbreath, from Pennsylvania, in 1835, boss. 

Philip Slagle, from Germany, here four years, boss. 

William Hellerman, from Germany, here two years, journey- 
man. 

J. Miller, from Germany, here one vear, boss. 

Casper Ruff, from Germany, here eight years, boss. 

R. and — - Sartell, from Massachusetts, here ten years, bosses. 

A. Travis, from Ohio, here four years, boss. 

John Amerman, raised in Illinois, journeyman. 

J. N. Botts, from New York, here three years, boss. 

Harrison Dills, from Virginia, here fifteen years, boss. 

Henry L. Beckett, from Missouri, here twelve years, boss. 

J. Richardson, from Ohio, here three years, journeyman. 

William McCoy, from Ohio, here six years, journeyman. 

Jacob Parsons, from Massachusetts, here eleven years, journey- 
man. 

John Spece, from Germany, here four years, journeyman. 

Abraham Vanfleet, from New Jersey, here ten years, boss. 

Lewis Slack, from Delaware, here eight years, boss. 

Joseph R. Hilborn, from Maine, here nine years, boss. 

Reason Cross, from Virginia, here ten years, journeyman. 

John Valentine, from Ohio, here two years, journeyman. 

William Orr, from Ohio, here two years, journeyman. 

Alexander McFarland, from New York, here ten years, 
journeyman. 



104 
OLD TIME CARPENTERS. 
The following list was furnished to our committee in 1848 — 
thirty-three years ago — and most probably was intended to in- 
clude all their names since 1830 to date. Thus: Brazilla Clark, 
Harrison Clark. The first was one of our earliest Justices of 
the Peace. Once upon a time he had tried a case, and in his 
decision gave offense to one of the parties. A few days after, 
whilst Brazilla was plowing in his field, the offended litigant 
came to him and gave him an awful cursing. For this the 
Justice fined him for contempt. The case finally went to the 
Supreme Court, and is, as I believe, reported in Breese. The 
fine was sustained. 

Philip Sherman came in 1831 from.... New York 

Samuel Hedges came in 1833 from New York 

Henry King came from New York 

Henry W. Miller came in 1830 from New York 

James Beaham came in 1840 from Ohio 

John Beaham came in 1842 from Ohio 

Henry L. Simmons came in 1835 from New York 

David Demaree came in 1835 from New York 

Daniel Demaree came in 1835 from New York 

Charles Gurn came in 1835 from Pennsylvania 

David McCreary came in 1835 from Pennsylvania 

Amos W. Harris came in 1834 from Kentucky 

Samuel Jackson came in 1836 from Ohio 

Jackson came in 1845 from Ohio 

John Belch came in 1837 from New York 

Chambers came in 1833 from Maine 

T. C. King came in 1832 from Kentucky 

Robert Bangs came in 1833 from Maine 

John Bangs came in 1833 from Maine 

Newton Cloud came in 1838 from Ohio 

Porter Smith came in 1836 from Ohio 

Augustus Kraber came in 1837 from Pennsylvania 

Frederick G. Johnson came in 1837 from Pennsylvania 

George Fulkrod came in 1837 from Pennsylvania 

Robert Morgan came in 1839 from Delaware 

Robert F. Morgan came in 1839 from Pennsylvania 

William Morgan came in 1839 from Pennsylvania 

John Morgan came in 1839 from Pennsylvania 

George Morgan came in 183i» from Pennsylvania 

Roberts. Benneson came in 1837 from Pennsylvania 

William Benneson came in 1837 from Pennsylvania 

John Crockett came in 1837 from Massachusetts 

Charles Howland came in 1837 from Massachusetts 

Silas Houghton came in 1836 from Massachusetts 

Jared Blansett came from Maryland 

Bowman came in 1837 from 

Morse came in 1837 from 



105 

George Miller came in 1837 from Maryland 

Nathaniel Summers came in 1830 from Kentucky 

George Baughman came in 1837 from Maryland 

Joseph Stanley came in from 

John Craig came in from 

John McDade came in 1833 from Kentucky 

James McDade came in 1833 from Kentucky 

William Williams came in 1836 from New York 

Campbell came in 1837 from Maryland 

Quigg came in 1837 from Maryland 

William Hague came in 1837 from England 

Joseph Harvey came in 1836 from New York 

James Gregg came in 1836 from Kentucky 

Nathaniel Cheeney came in 1833 from Massachusetts 

John Huckins came in 1833 from Maine 

John Cleveland came in 1834 from Massachusetts 

John Cleveland came in 1835 from Ohio 

Dan Whyers came in 1837 from 

David Walters came in 1837 from 

Amos Green came from Pennsylvania 

Joseph Welch came in 1844 from Pennsylvania 

David G. Anderson came in 1847 from Pennsylvania 

R. G.Simpson came in 1840 from Pennsylvania 

David Wood came in 1837 from Massachusetts 

James Jamison came in 1845 from Kentucky 

Todd came in 1846 from Kentucky 

Asa Fox came in 1838 from Connecticut 

Daniel Atkinson came in 1836 from Ohio 

Sol Phenegar came in 1836 from Ohio 

John Garnett came in 1836 from Connecticut 

William Howland came in 1837 from Massachusetts 

Thomas Winters came in 1834 from England 

Samuel Winters came in 1834 from England 

Orrin Hedges came in 1834 from New York 

William Squires came in 1833 from Kentucky 

Martin Turner came in 1833 from Kentucky 

Reuben Turner came in 1833 from Kentucky 

Granville Turner came in 1833 from Kentucky 

William Richardson came in 1831 from Kentucky 

Elijah Corwin came in 1833 from New York 

William Millard came in 1835 from Michigan 

Ralph came in 1834 from Maryland 

Nathan Dalby came in 1S35 from Ohio 

James Dalby came in 1835 from Ohio 

Rufus Underwood came in 1846 from Iowa 

James C. Sprague came in 1831 from New York 

Joseph Lyman came in 1837 from Connecticut 

Ryan Brittingham came in 1837 from Maryland 

Beauchamp came in 183S from Kentucky 

James Burrill came in 1837 Connecticut 

Hugh Barr came in 1S40 from Pennsylvania 

Whitcomb came in 1S36 from Massachusetts 



106 

Caleb Story came in 1844 from Rushville 

Andrew Fee came in 1845 from , Virginia 

George Mclntyre came in 1836 from Virginia 

J. I.Whitney came in 1838 from Ohio 

Cavitt came in 1845 from 

L. K. Hamilton came in 1843 from 

Eaton Littlefield came in 1837 from Maine 

August Littlefield came in 1837 from Maine 

Charles Swett came in 1837 from Maine 

Nathan Dresser came in 1837 from New York 

Thomas Temple came in 1836 from Virginia 

James Woodcock came in 1840 from Pennsylvania 

Jacob Woodcock came in 1840 from Pennsylvania 

Adolph Keltz came in 1834 from Germany 

Ira Fagg (Ivory) came in 1833 from Massachusetts 

Edward Wooters came in 1840 from Kentucky 

Solomon Wooters came in 1840 from Kentucky 

Wesley Wooters came in 1840 from Kentucky 

Benjamin Worrell came in 1834 from Pennsylvania 

B. T. Osborn came in 1835 from New York 

C. B. Churchill came in 1835 from New York 

— — Johnson came in 1837 from Scotland 

George Bledsoe came in 1837 from Kentucky 

Edward Turner came in 1834 from Maine 

Joseph Stockelman came in 1835 from Connecticut 

George Bowers came in from Maryland 

Samuel Bowers came in from Maryland 

Loar Bowers came in from Maryland 

Joel Thorn came in from Pennsylvania 

Frederick Miller came in 1847 from Germany 

Q. S. Barton came in 1843 from Connecticut 

James Orr came in 1846 from 

William Kelley came in 1846 from 

George Bittleson came in 1844 from England 

McMahan came in 1837 from Ireland 

William Bowen came in 1843 from Ireland 

Joseph Long came in 1837 from Ireland 

James Samples came in 1836 from Ohio 

Stephen George came in 1840 from Indiana 

Joshua Kelleson came in 1837 from Virginia 

William Ashford came in 1837 from Virginia 

This list includes about 130 names — old citizens will remem- 
ber most of them. Many of them we know to be dead. Some 
of them deserve more than this passing notice, but we can do 
no more. 

We have had here a number of business men engaged in 
merchandizing, who, though quite early in the field, had gone 
out of business before 1848, among them John W. McFadon. 
This gentleman at first had a store at what was then called 
Bear Creek, in this county, now known as Marcelline. He was 



107 

not generally or all the time at Bear Creek, spending a great 
part of every year in Baltimore. After closing the Bear Creek 
store, or perhaps even before, Mr. McFadon had for a time 
a retail store in Quincy, on the north side, and upon closing 
this store he finally went out of business, devoting the remainder 
of his life to the management of his private affairs, never seek- 
ing or holding any office. In the early times every dry goods 
and miscellaneous store, especially in the country, kept on tap a 
barrel of whisky, to be retailed to the farmers in quantities of 
not less than one quart. During the harvest time whisky was 
deemed absolutely necessary in the harvest field. Mr. McFadon, 
when he left the store, for Baltimore, instructed his clerk 
especially not to sell liquor in a less quantity than the law 
allowed. No license was required for selling in the prescribed 
quantities, and he took out none. Whilst he was away, there 
came to the store one day a man who persuaded the clerk to sell 
him a pint of whisky, and then he gave information to the 
grand jury, and Mr. McFadon was indicted for selling a pint of 
whisky without license. The trial came on, and Mr. Browning 
defended, proving that the defendant was not in the State at the 
time of the alleged selling, and that he had given strict orders 
to the clerk not to sell whisky in less quantities than was 
allowed by law. The clerk himself swore to this, and that he 
alone was responsible. At that time Alpheus Wheeler, from 
Pike, was in the habit of attending our Circuit Courts, then 
held in the old log court house — 1835 — and he was the cause of 
creating great fun in his speeches, not only in himself but in 
other men who heard him. Some of our jolly young fellows 
around town made up a pony purse for a fee to get Wheeler to 
assist in the prosecution in this case, and the prosecuting attor- 
ney gave Wheeler the closing speech. Mr. Browning hardly 
felt it necessary to say much to the jury in defense, mainly 
dwelling upon the facts that the defendant was in no way re- 
sponsible for the sale of the liquor and was not in the State at 
the time, and the act was in positive disobedience to his special 
instructions, as testified to by the clerk. But in the closing 
argument Wheeler came forward for a big speech. He ranted 
and raved loudly, being heard all over town, and this brought 
a crowd to hear what was going on. The very appearance and 
manner of Wheeler in full blast cast a broad grin upon every 
face. All seemed to enter into the matter as a great joke. 
Among many other things, Wheeler said, substantially: "Now, 



108 

gentlemen of the jury, the distinguished attorney for the defense 
seems inclined to treat this matter as a very little thing, and to 
put the blame upon the poor clerk. Now, gentlemen, whose 
whisky was that? I tell you, gentlemen, that whisky belonged 
to this defendant. Who got the pay for it? " By the way, the 
man who bought it did not pay for it at all; it was not even 
charged on the books, as stated by the clerk. The defendant 
was in Baltimore when the trial took place, and Mr. Browning 
had entered his appearance. "Now, gentlemen of the jury, let 
us look at this thing — a little thing — well, yes, it is a very little 
thing, but criminal practices always begin with little things. If, 
gentlemen, you see a fellow going around with a bridle in his 
hand, before long you will see him with a saddle, and gentle- 
men, farmers, of this jury, look out for vour hoss." Anticipating 
that the court would instruct the jury that it they believed, from 
the evidence, that the whisky was sold by the clerk without 
the knowledge or consent of the defendant, and during 
his absence, they should find the defendant not guilty, 
Wheeler addressed the jury upon the point of their own rights 
and responsibilities, saying: "Gentlemen: With all due respect 
for the court, I tell you that you are judges of both the 'law and 
the evidence.' " The court, on the close of the argument, gave 
the instructions asked for by the defendant's attorney, but after 
retiring for about five minutes, the jury came in with a verdict 
of guilty. I believe I have never seen our great attorney more 
plagued by a verdict than on this occasion. When Mr. 
McFadon returned from Baltimore, Mr. Browning wanted to 
take up the case to the Supreme Court, but he said, "No; I 
don't care; let it alone." I was present during this trial and 
was satisfied that the jury simply entered into the joke of the 
thing, for the whole proceeding appeared like a sort of legal 
frolic, the defendant being rich and a gentleman, they thought, 
increased the fun of it. I knew John W. McFadon well, seeing 
him almost every day through many years. Among those who 
knew him least, perhaps owing to his rather distant and re- 
served manners and his careful and exact business habits, he 
was to some extent regarded as a very close man. In any in- 
jurious sense this was a great mistake. For many years, as is 
known by most old citizens, the writer, perhaps oftener than 
any other resident of Quincy, was called upon and somehow 
expected to go around with all manner of subscription papers 
to raise voluntary contributions for this and that, and especially 



109 

for political purposes. In this way I have applied to Mr. 
McFadon for many charitable and political contributions. He 
never would put his name to a paper to be handed around and 
inspected by every one to whom it was presented, but he never 
refused under the name of cash to contribute most liberally to 
any effort to raise money for a laudable purpose. One of the 
most upright, independent and honest men I ever knew was 
John W. McFadon, and in writing this book I deem it a duty 
to speak of him as I knew him. I could mention many instances 
where he gave liberally of his money to help the needy and 
where his left hand should not know what his right hand had 
done. I remember one instance which particularly illustrated 
that most worthy characteristic in him: Upon an occasion, long 
after Mr. McFadon had closed his mercantile career both at 
Bear Creek and in Quincy, and was residing on York street, in 
the house in which he afterwards died, in passing from 
his home through Fourth street to the public square, his 
attention was attracted to the wretched and dilapidated condi- 
tion of the dwelling of a widow. A storm the night before had 
torn down the house and made havoc of the widow's home. 
Mr. McFadon crossed the street, found the widow and gave her 
all the money he had in his pocket — I think twenty-five dollars 
— and without stopping to receive her thanks, came on and soon 
came into my office, where he found some four or five of our 
citizens who had somewhat accidentally come in. Within a few 
minutes thereafter, Mr. Samuel P. Church came into the office 
with a subscription paper in his hand and related the misfortune 
of the widow. Each of the gentlemen in the office at once made 
their contributions of one dollar until reaching Mr. McFadon, 
and presenting the paper, Mr. Church was met with a quiet 
refusal. At this all were a little astonished, and Mr. Church 
did not fail to show his disgust. I, among the rest, by looks, at 
least, manifested a little unpleasant feeling. I could see that 
Mr. McFadon himself did not feel comfortable. The other 
gentlemen soon left and after awhile Mr. McFadon also went out; 
but after dinner he again dropped in, seeming a little at a loss to 
know whether he could or should reveal to me what was the 
real state of the facts, but he finally said: "Now Squire, you 
heard what was said to me here this morning, and I think you 
all felt displeased with me, but I will tell you. I was at that 
widow's house this morning, even before Mr. Church, and I 
gave her all the money I had in my pocket. Now don't men- 
tion it, but I thought I would tell you." 



110 

Joseph Brockschmidt, watch-maker, now of 715 Maine street, 
came to Quincy about forty-two years ago, bringing with him 
his now celebrated clock, which I have named "Master 
Humphrey's Clock." It was probably the first clock with a 
dial plate in the pendulum in the State, and it has been going 
for near forty years. For a time after Brockschmidt came here 
to reside, he opened a little store of jewelry, &c, in a small frame 
house on the north side of Hampshire street, about midway be- 
tween Fifth and Sixth streets, and one night in 1845 or 1846, 
perhaps earlier, his store was broken open and robbed. The 
thieves took nearly everything of apparent value, but the old 
clock was left, probably not then put up. The next day some 
of our town officers got upon the track of the robbers, tracing 
them to and through Burton. Their pockets wers found filled 
with cheap jewelry, watches, &c, and it appears that at Burton 
they traded and offered to trade the stolen goods at very low 
prices for anything they wanted — something to eat and some- 
thing to drink. Not long after they left Burton the officers ar- 
rived there and renewed their hot pursuit till they arrested three 
young fellows, still loaded with Brockschmidt's goods. The 
theives were brought before the writer, as Justice of the Peace, 
and after examination, all held to bail, and at the next term of 
the Circuit Court tried, convicted and sentenced to the peniten- 
tiary. I do not remember all their names, but one was Bill 
Morgan, a son of the celebrated Morgan, who (as was alleged 
by Thurlow Weed and the Anti-Masons) was drowned in Lake 
Ontario by a party of Free Masons, because, as it was alleged, 
he had revealed the secrets of Masonry. Morgan's widow 
married a man named Harris, a silversmith, who for a time had 
a shop on the corner of Fifth and Hampshire streets, in Quincy. 
They were then all Mormons. Harris seemed a quiet, respecta- 
ble man, and if then living, probably went with the Mormon 
Pilgrims to Salt Lake. But the clock was made by Brock- 
schmidt himself, in Cincinnati, just before he removed to this 
place — he made two, one for his brother-in-law, and this one 
for himself. The old man still holds forth as a watchmaker, 
and is one of several eminently skilled mechanics who came 
here from Europe. If this old clock, which I have named 
"Master Humphrey's Clock," after the one which figures in 
Dickens' "Old Curiosity Shop," could tell all that has trans- 
pired around it in Quincy since it here began to note the hours 
of time, and if I had time to write it all down, and if the reader 



Ill 

could have time to read it all, this old clock, as a text and start- 
ing point, might be even more interesting than it is. But, kind 
reader, go look at the old clock as you pass anyhow. 

I feel compelled to mention with some particularity two of 
our old time merchants, now dead, Joel Rice and Gershom B. 
Dimock. Both in their day and for many years contributed to 
the growth and progress of our town in its early days in a very 
marked degree. Mr. Rice came here as early as 1835 with his 
family. His first purchase of real estate covered a large por- 
tion of the ground on the east side of Front street, between 
Hampshire and Vermont streets. He for a short time resided 
upon it. Mr. Rice was an energetic, honest and successful 
merchant. Having large dealings in his line of trade, changing 
from one branch of business to another without hurry or loss, as in 
his judgment it seemed best. He was in fact a merchant, never 
a mere shop-keeper. During his long life here he built a num- 
ber of houses, one or more upon Washington Park, and finally 
in his old age settled down in the residence building in which he 
died, on the corner of Maine and Eighteenth street, now owned 
by his daughters. Joel Rice for many years was as well known 
here as any man in town. He never had an enemy, but many 
friends, and could always be depended on to help every worthy 
cause. Quincy owes to his memory a large debt of gratitude 
for the help he gave in her early struggle to get a start. Mr. 
Rice was a soldier of the war of 181 2, and in his latest years 
received and accepted a private soldier's pension. 

Of Gershom B. Dimock it may be said: Yes, Dimock was 
a good man; an enterprising business man. In business for 
many years, for a time he was heavily engaged in carrying on 
a foundry and machine shop. He was best known, however, 
as a retail drv goods merchant. Though so long in business, 
and being engaged in several somewhat risky enterprises, he 
never, like too many of our old time merchants, failed, but left 
considerable estate at the time of his decease. His store was 
for many years quite a rendezvous for his farmer customers, 
especially from' the southern part of the county. They loved 
to come in and talk and deal with Dimock, for he was as plain 
and as friendly and as reliable a man as any in the county. He 
was, too, one of the few merchants here in the olden times who 
took great interest in the prosperity of the town. He erected a 
large, and in its day, one of the best residence houses in the 
town, in which he lived and died. Mr. Dimock was from New 



112 

England, and whilst he was a favorite with New England peo- 
ple here, could easily adapt himself to the manners and customs 
of the West. Steady as the clock in his demeanor, and always 
liked by religious people, I think he never lost much sleep in 
attending extraordinary night meetings of any kind. 

Mrs. Sarah Denman was for many years a resident here, and 
departed this life on Tuesday, May 16, 1882. Though long and 
most favorably known in the past, she will yet longer live in the 
grateful remembrance of many poor people, for whose comfort 
and care she has made liberal provision in her last will and testa- 
ment, through her bequests to the hospital to bear her own 
name. The Sarah Denman Hospital, under another name, has, 
from the first until the time of her death, been helped in many 
ways by her bounties, and by her last will she gave it, as I 
understand, unconditionally, lot five in block three, Keyes' 
addition, corner of Tenth and Spring streets, vacant, but with 
four brick houses on the south part of the lot, and in cash 
$4,000 — the whole value of the bequest was at least $12,000. 
Mrs. Denman also, during her life, made many donations 
tor charitable objects, and gave numerous larger and 
smaller sums by her will to near relatives and friends. She 
was a most superior, accomplished and worthy lady, and though 
always having ample means, was free from ostentation and 
pride, and will be long remembered by her many acquaintances. 
In writing these short sketches of Quincy, I can write of no one 
with more pleasure, and I could wish that we might have more 
among us like Mrs. Sarah Denman. 



CHAPTER XL 



Old Time Business Matters — Pork Packing — Mills- 
Steamboats, &c. 



|«jcpMONG old memoranda before me I find one, I be- 
^|^ lieve, in the hand-writing of General Morgan, one in that 
of Edward Wells, besides several others from other parties re- 
lating to the several matters therein mentioned. Of our old 
time hog market and business, steamboats, &c, I present the 
following: 

OUR OLD TIME HOG MARKET AND BUSINESS. 
"In the winter of 1833-4, Captain Pease put up about 300 
hogs, the average weight of which was about 135 pounds. In 
1847-8, 20,000 hogs were packed in Quincy, the average weight 
of which would exceed 250 pounds." 



1833-34, number packed 400 



1841-42, number packed 11,000 

" 12,000 

" 18,000 

10,000 

15,000 

12,000 

,20,000 



1834-35, " " 3,500 1842-43, 

1835-36, " " 3,000 1843-44, 

1830-37, " " 5,000 1844-45, 

1837-38, " " 7,000 1845-46, 

1838-39, " " 6,000 1846-47, " " 

1839-40, " " 10,000 1847-48, " 

1840-41, " " 10,000 

In view of the rapid improvement in the hog family in Illinois 
within the last forty years, we may find an instance of the sur- 
vival of the fittest and the good effects of natural selection and 
development. Forty years ago our long-legged, long-snouted 
swine, running out and in our river bottoms, could run like a 
deer, and did not weigh much more when full-grown and 
slaughtered. But it may be a matter worth the consideration 
of our merchants to find out and, if possible, remedy the appar- 
ent falling off of this branch of our business here. We, as a 



114 

packing point, have hardly kept pace in this branch of business 
with our progress in other matters. The following is General 
Morgan's letter or memorandum: 

"Captain Pease came to Quincy in the year 1833 — in the fall. 
He came directly from Cleveland, Ohio; but his family resided 
in Boston, Mass. This being his first trip to the West, he re- 
mained but a short time to look at the country. He purchased 
300 hogs, for which he paid three cents per pound ; had them 
slaughtered and packed and took them away. This was the 
first exportation of pork from this point. He returned in the fall 
of 1834 with his family and settled permanently. In the fall and 
winter of 1834-5 he put up 2,500 hogs, and paid for them from 
one to two cents per pound — two cents being the highest price 
paid. At that time a hog that would weigh 200 pounds was a 
perfect curiosity. Samuel Holmes packed about fifty the same 
fall. The next regular pork packer who came here was Joel 
Rice, and after him Artemus Ward. Prices went up in the fall 
of 1836-7. Farmers then were not satisfied with six and six and 
a half cents per pound, and many of them turned their hogs out 
to range. There was a great deal of money lost this season in 
the pork speculation. The increase of weight in hogs since 1833 
(to date, say 1847) has been from 150 pounds to 260 pounds. In 
1835, Mr. J* Montandon raised a hog in town that at thirteen 
months old weighed 410 pounds. It was looked upon as some- 
thing prodigious." (We think Montandon's name was 
Henry L.). 

The following is the memorandum of Edward Wells: 
Pease came in 1833, packed about 300 hogs and paid three 
cents per pound. 

In 1834-5, Pease packed from 2,000 to 2,500, and paid from 
one and a half to two cents per pound. 

In 1835-36, S. Holmes and Pease packed 3,500, and paid from 
five to six and a half cents per pound. 

In 1836-7, Holmes, Ward and Rice packed, and J. T. Holmes 
lost $4,000 in the .transaction. About 1,800 hogs were packed. 
In 1837-8, Holmes, Ward, Rice and Bond packed about 1,500. 
This the first season beef was packed for exportation. We be- 
lieve that Joseph E. Norwood packed the first beef. 

In 1838-9, Holmes, Ward and Rice packed 2,000 and paid 
from three to four cents per pound. 

In 1839-40, Ward, Wells, Rice and D. Harrison packed 5,000, 
and paid three cents. 



115 

In 1840-1, Wells, Ward, Rice and Harrison packed 4,000, and 
paid from three to four cents. 

In 1842-3, Pomeroy, Wells, Ward and Norwood packed 7,000; 
price one and one-fourth to two cents per pound. 

In 1843-4, Pomeroy, Norwood, Ward and Wells packed 
20,000, and paid from two to three cents. 

In 1844-5, Pomeroy, Ward and Norwood packed 12,000, and 
paid from one and three-quarters to tnree cents per pound. 

In 1845-6, Pomeroy, Ward and Norwood packed 10,000: price 
from two and a half to three and three-quarters cents. 

In 1846-7, Pomeroy, Ward, Norwood and Wells packed 
10,000, and paid from one and three-quarters to two and three- 
quarters cents per pound. 

Mr. Ward says there were packed in the fall and winter of 
1835-6, 2,600; average weight 177 pounds. 

In 1836-7 there were packed 1,800; average weight 185 
pounds." 

We have before us another memorandum in the hand-writing 
of Judge Lott. We give it for what it is worth. No doubt its 
contents were derived mainly from reliable sources. It is 
headed 

STEAM. 

"Flouring mills, 8, capable of turning out 800 barrels per day ; 
saw mills, 2; distilleries, 3 — two of them on an extensive scale; 
woolen factory, 1; foundries, 3; tannery, 1; leather dealers, 
2; saddlers, 7; hides, $4,000 in a year; shoemaker shops, 20; 
shoe dealers, 2 — extensive; stores all sell shoes." 

We have also before us, relating to the year 1847 — thirty-four 
years ago — the following memorandum and concerning the 
manufacture of flour in Quincy. It is headed January 1, 1848, 
and goes back to 1842 from date: 

EMPIRE MILLS. 
1842, number of barrels of flour manufactured 11,000 



1843, 
1844, 
1845, 
1846, 
1847, 



.10,000 
.12,000 
.13,000 
.25,000 
.22,000 



MILNER'S MILL, (NOW S. & W. B. THAYER'S.) 



1842, number of barrels manufactured (supposed) 5,000 

1843, " " " " 4,500 

1844, " " " " 6.000 

1845, " " " " 8,000 

1846, " " " " 13,000 

1847, " " " " 12,000 



116 



JONES' MILL (JONES & WHEELER.) 

1842, number of barrels manufactured (supposed) 8,000 

1843, " " " " 7,000 

1844, " " " " 8,000 

1845, " " " " 9,000 

1846, " " " " 11,000 

1847, " " " " 10,000 

ROGERS' MILL. 

1844, number of barrels manufactured (supposed) 5,000 

1845, " " " " 6,000 

1846, " •' " " 9,000 

1847, " " " " 7,000 

CENTRE MILL. 

1845, number of barrels manufactured (supposed) 4,000 

1846, " " " " 5,000 

1847, " " " " 6,000 

MILLER'S MILL. 

1846, number of barrels manufactured (supposed) 5,000 

1847, " " " " 3,000 

Whipple's Mill, now occupied by Charles Steinagle, propelled 

by water and steam power, was capable of grinding from fifty 
to sixty barrels of flour per day. This old mill, in its present 
shape (1847), was built in 1830 — the first one long before. 

King & Miller's distillery built October, 1847, capable of 
manufacturing fifteen barrels of whisky per day and feeding 800 
head of hogs. 

Osborne & Kennard's distillery built October, 1845, capable 
of manufacturing fifteen barrels of whisky per day and feeding 
800 hogs. 

T. J. Casey's flour mill and distillery, capable of grinding 125 
barrels of flour and manufacturing thirty barrels of whisky per 
day and feeding 2,000 hogs. Dimensions of building: Flour mill 
of brick, 50x60 feet, four stories high; distillery, 80x30 feet; at- 
tached to the same is a malt house 70x22 feet; built November, 
1846. 

Saw mills — North Steam Planing Mills cut in 1845, 300,000 
feet; 1846, 420,000 feet; 1847, 550,000 feet; 1848, part of the 
year, (supposed) 280,000 feet. 

These statistics, as we have stated, were made in 1847. 
We have told of Quincy in her business and manufacturing 
character as she is to-day in our first chapter. We have 
thus far endeavored to give a sort of birds-eye view of all 
such matters of general interest from our beginning. No doubt 
much might be written which we shall be compelled to omit. 



117 

We hold in our hand an old and much faded memorandum, 
made, we think, from information derived from Governor 
Wood, of early steamboats navigating the upper Mississippi 
River. The first, including the name of the captain, we find it 
rather hard to make out, but to do our best, we think the name 
of the boat was Calhoun, and was believed to be the first boat 
up. She had the government contract for carrying supplies up 
to the forts as early as 1819. 

The Indiana, Captain Newman. 

The Shamrock, Captain May, from Pittsburg. 

The Rover, Captain Black, Captain Newman, Captain 
Carlisle. 

The Galena, Captain Bates. 

The Missouri, Captain Reynolds, 1827. 

St. Louis and Galena packets and tow-boats, Shellcross, 1827. 

The Red Rover, Captain Throckmorton, 1827. 

The Josephine, Captain Clark, 1827. 

The Triton, Captain Carlisle, 1828. 

The Chieftain, Captain Shellcross, 1828. 

The Enterprise, Captain May, 1828. 

The Winnebago, Captain Atkinson, 1828. 

The Wallace, Captain Carlisle, 1832. 

The Galeman, Captain Beers, 1832. 

The Warrior, Captain Throckmorton, 1832. 

The O'Connell, Captain Reynolds, Captain Cameron, 1834. 

The Dove, Captain James May, 1834. 

The Emerald, Captain Otis Reynolds, 1834. 

The St. Peters, Captain James Throckmorton, 1834. 

The Pavilion, Captain William Phelps, 1834. 

The Dubuque, Captain James M. Cole, 1836. 

The Heroine, Captain Smith Harris, 1836. 

The Irene, Captain Atchison, 1836. 

The Gypsy, Captain O. Reynolds, 1836. 

The Fulton, Captain Smith, 1836. 

The Quincy, Captain Cameron, 1836. 

The Burlington, Captain Throckmorton, 1836. 

The Adventure, Captain Van Houghton, 1836. 

The Brazil, Captain Smith, 1836. 

The Omega, Captain LafFerty, 1836. 

The lone, Captain Atchison, 1836. 

The Glaucus, Captain Atchison, 1836. 

The Chippewa, Captain Throckmorton, 1836. 



118 

The Malta, Captain Gorman, 1836. 

The Monsoon, Captain Pierce, 1836. 

The Rosalie, Captain Littleton, Captain Cameron, 1836. 

The Frontier, Captain Harris, 1836. 

The Otter, Captain Harris, 1839. 

The Lamartine, Captain Harris, 1837. 

The Palmyra, Captain Cole, 1836 (sunk same year). 

Now stopping substantially with the end of the year 1836, and 
looking back in memory at what might be called the "good old 
days" of steamboating on the Mississippi, we are moved to say 
a word or two about it. As a general proposition, we may say, 
that the captain^was a man amongst men, possessing great 
energy, carefulness for safety of the boat and passengers. To 
see him on the hurricane deck "between the chimneys," he 
seemed the genius of command. He had but seldom time to 
stand and talk to his passengers — "greenhorns" especially. His 
berth was not an easy one, and in the earlier times he would 
sometimes swear a little, but the man that did the supposed use- 
ful swearing was the chief mate. Many of these mates in time 
were promoted to be captains. "Our Army in Flanders" 
could not hold a candle to some of them in swearing. The 
captains, however, were, or soon became, noted for their polite 
and dignified bearing when presiding at the dinner-table. He 
generally led out to dinner the prettiest woman on board. The 
table was generally spread with taste, and had upon it every- 
thing good to eat to be found in our plentiful valley. Steamboat 
passengers seemed always hungry, and it was deemed very im- 
portant to get a seat at the first table. The men without the 
care of ladies did not know beforehand how many of the gentle 
sex were back in the ladies' cabin, and made no calculations in 
that behalf. They drew themselves up behind the chairs and 
waited — generally a long time. At last a rustle of silks was 
heard, and the impatient row of hungry men are astounded to 
see a long line of men and women, the captain at their head, 
advancing down each side of the long table. The captain takes 
the head, and on each side the prettiest women; then on they 
come. You know we western fellows never think of taking a 
seat which a lady wants, and her escort shares in the courtesy; 
but on they came, knocking down the men like nine-pins, until 
all are seated. Then the bell is rung and all who can may sit 
down, but of that rank and file, who had so long waited in posi- 
tion, not half of them can be seated at the first table. We may 



119 

in conclusion say that there never seemed any scarcity at the 
second, or even third table. Still we believe that there is seldom 
anything that occurs that more tries the gallantry of most men, 
than to be thus knocked down at table, even by a woman. Upon 
the subject of swearing captains and mates, we remark, that after 
about 1838 one could seldom hear an oath from either; even the 
mates quit cursing the men and the whole atmosphere of the 
boat was free from "brimstone." The first steamboat named 
in honor of our City of Quincy was the one built or commanded 
by Captain Cameron, the boat making her first appearance here 
in the spring of 1836. I believe on her first trip up she ran into 
and nearly butted down the celebrated old log warehouse, which 
was once the scene of Ned Pearson's ducking match, and in 
which old Bennett made him also take water. The first steam- 
boat Quincy was an excellent one, and Cameron a favorite cap- 
tain. On her second trip up, the young people made up a 
pleasure party to go on her" to Warsaw and back. I remember 
that the river was high, and that in going up she passed be- 
tween the towhead and the main island — a thing which can not 
be done now. There was quite a large party on the boat, who 
after reaching Warsaw, went ashore and wandered up to the 
old fort, but it was chilly and disagreeable on shore, and all soon 
returned to the comfortable cabin on the boat, which after a 
short time started on her return trip. When about half way 
down, whilst standing in the main cabin with a lady, our atten- 
tion was suddenly attracted by a stamping and tramping noise 
on the hurricane deck over our heads, and on looking up we 
saw a man's leg violently thrust through the skylight, followed 
by a shower of broken glass upon our heads. The lady screamed 
a little and asked what that was, to which I replied that it looked 

like Sam L 's leg, because I knew he was very bow-legged. 

I forgot to call it Sam's limb, you know, as in those days it was 
not considered vulgar to call a man's leg, his leg, instead of his 
limb; when we spoke of a limb we meant the limb of a tree, 
you know. I soon found out that Matthew Bayne and Sam had 
been engaged in a little fight up there, and before it ended they 
were separated, as it was feared one or the other or both might 
fall overboard. These two young men were both Southerners, 
and both entirely reputable and not habitually quarrelsome. But 
in those days, as now, when a young fellow gets aboard of him- 
self, say four finger-breadths of Bourbon, he no longer belongs 
to the peace society, at least till he gets sober. When the boat 



120 

landed the belligerents went ashore, stripped and fought it out. 
Just as we were walking the plank off the boat, with a lady on 
my arm, the fight had already ended, and one of the combatants 
was in full sight, as bloody as a butcher. At this sight the lady 
made another little scream, and came near falling into the river, 
but the scare soon passed, and we arrived after awhile safely at 
the top of the hill. Of all that goodly company upon that first 
pleasure trip upon the old Quincy few now are living. I re- 
member only three or four besides myself. I hope my readers 
will not form any very bad opinion of our party and the state of 
our society in 1836 from this incident of the battle between two 
young men. If I am not mistaken such things occur very fre- 
quently in these days — even down East. 

We find among our memoranda, in the hand-writing of Judge 
Lott, and relating to our early preachers, clergymen and priests, 
the following: 

EPISCOPAL. 

Rev. John Selwood, came 1837. 

Rev. James Young came October 1, 1837. 

Rev. George P. Giddings came April 1, 1841. 

METHODIST. 

Mr. Hadley came in 1835. 
Rev. Peter Boren came in 1835. 
Rev. John Atkinson (local) next. 
Rev. William H. Window came in 1838. 
Rev. Chauncey Hobart came in 1840. 

Rev. Jonathan Stamper and Rev. Richard Haney came 
December 2, 1842. 

Rev. William J. Rutledge came in 1845. 

Rev. John P. Richmond came December 4, 1846. 

Rev. John Van Cleve, came November 1, 1847. 

Rev. George Rutledge came in 1846. 

Rev. Ludwig Jacoby (German). 

PRESBYTERIAN. 

Rev. I. Porter first in 1828. 

Rev. J. J. Marks came March 1, 1840. 

Dr. Blatchford (temporarily). 

BAPTIST. 

Rev. Ezra Fisher came December 5, 1835. 
Rev. Spencer Carr came December 7, 1839. 
Rev. Edwin C. Brown came January 24, 1840. 



121 

Rev. S. G. Parr came November i, 1845. 
Rev. Peter Clay (brother of Henry Clay) came October 12, 
1847. 

ROMAN CATHOLIC. 

Rev. Augustus Brick widdie (German) came in August, 1837. 
Rev. Hilary Tucker came later. 
Rev. Francis Derwin came in 1847. 

CONGREGATIONALIST. 

Rev. Asa Turner, Jr., came December 4, 1830. 
Rev. Charles S. Renshaw came in June, 1838. 
Rev. David Nelson (temporary) came in 1839. 
Rev. Moses Hunter (temporary) came in 1839. 
Rev. William Beardsley (temporary) came in 1839. 
Rev. Horatio Foote came in February, 1840. 
Rev. Rollin Mears came July 1, 1847. 

GERMAN LUTHERAN. 

Rev. Mr. Gumbel came in March, 1838. 
Rev. E. L. Daubert came in May, 1840. 
Rev. W. Drude came in November, 1841. 
Rev. W. Bauer came in August, 1843. 
Rev. F. Christopher Young came in May, 1845. 

UNITARIAN. 

Rev. George Moore came in 1841 or 1842. 

Rev. De Lange, his successor. 

Of the religion ot Quincy we can not escape the obligation 
resting upon us as an impartial historian to say something. In 
a spirit of modesty we might say "we have none to speak of," 
as was said by a very distinguished bishop of the church in New 
England, when, upon an occasion a person seemed to cross- 
examine and question him upon that subject. Our people have 
been and are, in their individual religious notions, as diverse as 
the stars that flitter in the heavens, and yet they may each derive 
their splendor from the same great Fountain of Light. The de- 
scendants of Abraham still stand by Moses and the prophets, 
and in theory worship Jehovah in His Ten Commandments. 
The Israelites may still expect the great Messiah. The Chris- 
tian, while he accepts the "faith of Moses," believes that even 
one greater than Moses has already come. The obligations of 
the commandments are accepted by all. He reads history to 
little advantage who does not. feel afraid of his own infallibility, 



122 

who would at least desire the power to persecute. Every year 
that has passed since I have resided here has weakened the dis- 
position in men to foster the spirit of persecution. Perhaps we 
don't believe as much as we used to think we did, yet we feel 
sure that we are better than we should be if the old time cen- 
turies could fasten upon us again their conscientious convictions 
that we ought to burn some people to save the souls of others. I 
shall in these pages attempt to give some short sketches of our 
churches — edifices, at least. They are visible objects. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Some Old Stories, Anecdotes and Incidents — Some 
Early Preachers, &c. 



gwjpBOUT the year 1S28 or 9, date not material, one clay 
gftjnj' in early spring when the Mississippi River was breaking 
up with floating ice, and of course the water very cold, a party 
of jolly fellows had collected in the old log warehouse and store 
upon the edge of the water, near the foot ot Vermont street, 
occupied by Edward L. Pearson. Ned had his jolly days in 
those times, and upon this particular day there were gathered in 
the store some six or eight men, and with them old Bennett, the 
same that was hung in December, 1834, for the murder of 
Baker. The building was used at first as a warehouse, and its 
west door opened upon the river, the water, at the date of this 
story, being nearly up to the sill of the back door, and a few 
feet west of the door must have been eight or ten feet deep. 
They were all drinking and carousing a good deal, when Pearson 
suddenly closed and locked the front or east door, then seizing 
Bennett's old long gun, which he had placed in a corner, the 
same he shot Baker with afterwards, every man was ordered by 
Pearson to jump out into the river. They were afraid to dis- 
obey, for Ned was crazy drunk and swore he would shoot every 
man that did not jump. Every one took the plunge, as Pearson 
thought, but old Bennett had hid himself out of sight in a corner 
or behind some boxes or barrels, and was not observed by 
Pearson, who, after, as he supposed, the last man had plunged 
out, set down the gun in its corner and shouted and laughed and 
rolled at the fun of the thing. Old Bennett took advantage of 
the position, sprang from his hiding place, seized the old gun, 
cocked it and said: "Now, Mr. Pearson, you jump out, too." 



124 

Pearson knew Bennett too well to refuse, and in he went after 
the rest. Some of the party were so mad that they marched 
straight home, but did not like to tell how they became so wet. 
Others crowded back into the store to dry themselves and drink 
hot whisky stew. Bennett was the hero, the driest and the 
happiest of the crowd. 

MY FIRST CRIMINAL CASE. 
I was first commissioned Justice of the Peace November 19, 
1836. The Justices here then were Joseph T. Holmes and 
Robert R. Williams, besides myself. It appears that not long 
after I had been so commissioned, probably in December or 
January after, a Mr. Williams, I think the same already men- 
tioned as having been in Missouri, went before Mr. Holmes and 
swore out a warrant against Colonel Humphrey, late from Vir- 
ginia. Colonel Humphrey, I believe, was a relative, probably a 
brother-in-law, of Esquire Richard, of Burton. As learned 
afterwards, Colonel Humphrey had left Virginia with the inten- 
tion of settling in Missouri, and on his way there stopped for a 
short time with Esquire Richard. He had, it was stated, brough 
with him from Virginia two or more negro slaves, boys, I believe. 
His stay at Burton was necessarily protracted by the sudden close 
of the Mississippi River, so that he could not cross with the 
negro boys. For many years prior to this time slave holders 
with their slaves from the South had been in the habit of cross- 
ing Illinois in emigrating to Missouri. It appeared, all this after 
the trial, as rumor, that Colonel Humphrey, as soon as the con- 
dition of the river permitted him to cross, took the boys into 
Missouri and sold them, but finally concluded to settle perma- 
nently near Burton, in this county. Williams had in his com- 
plaint charged kidnapping against the Colonel. On the 
examination, which was held belore R. R. Williams and myself, 
(Mr. Holmes, after issuing the warrant, preferring not to try it, 
but to send it to the writer, who requested Mr. Williams to sit 
with him,) there was literally nothing legally proved against 
Humphrey beyond mere hearsay evidence and some hearsay 
statements made by the boys to Williams, he it appears, having 
met them, had talked with them. That they had been taken to 
Missouri at all, or sold there, was hearsay only. We held that 
the testimony was not sufficient to justify us in holding the de- 
fendant to bail; that before we could do that, it must be shown 
that the boys were taken to Missouri out of the State against 
their will, and that we should be informed by legal evidence— 



125 

sufficient facts ; that if sufficient facts, or any facts not mere rumor, 
should come to the knowledge of any citizen, they might appear 
before the next grand jury of the county and give all such evi- 
dence as they legally could. The defendant was therefore 
discharged. Thereupon Jimmy McQuoid, who was present 
with some other anti-Abolitionists, felt himself fully justified in 
pummeling Williams upon the nose with his fist, making the 
blood spurt out in a stream. The Justices tried to interfere, and 
fined McQuoid, whose fine was promptly paid by the crowd, 
and poor Williams getting out of the office had to run for his 
life, with a gang at his heels. I have given this incident to lift 
the curtain upon the old times, when an Abolitionist was con- 
sidered by the masses of the people the meanest of men. 
OLD DADDY PHELPS. 
Passing along through a number of years, about, before and 
after 1838, our city was frequently visited by old man Phelps. 
I think his name was Joseph. If so, there were very few men 
here in those days that "knew not Joseph." Mr. Phelps had in 
his younger days lived somewhere east of us, probably at Cin- 
cinnati, and had been extensively engaged in business, and for a 
time was full-handed and prosperous. But misfortune came, 
not singly, but in troops, with troops of children, and in quite an 
early day they all came to Quincy, or its immediate neighbor- 
hood. Daddy Phelps was peculiar in his capacity for "holler- 
ing" and making a big noise when he came into town, generally 
bringing a small load of green wood with his wagon and a rather 
sorry team of two horses. The old man generally drew up in 
front of a grocery, and after selling his wood and wetting his 
whistle, began to enlarge and make himself heard. His 
rendezvous was on the north side of the square, or the then anti- 
Abolition side, whilst the south side Mr. Phelps called the 
Abolition side. At that time the square was not fenced, and the 
old man, after he got pretty full, would generally march out into 
the middle of this public ground and stand and curse, shake his 
fist at and abuse the Abolitionists. His voice could be heard 
all over the town. Remaining in town until night, he would 
start for home in a great hurry, yelling and cavorting at every 
jump, his voice could be heard for a long time, until the increas- 
ing distance gradually hushed it. On one occasion a party of 
citizens from the south side, getting tired of his racket, arrested 
him for disturbing the public peace and brought him before me, 
to be dealt with according to law. Phelps "hollered" all the 



126 

way to the office, and as he was shoved in, gave the loudest 
kind of a yell in the face and ears of the Justice. I at once got 
out of the magisterial chair and said: "What is the matter? 
What are you making all this noise about? Sit down. Keep 
still." At this the old fellow straightened himself up, yelling 
still louder than ever. After a while I got him sufficiently 
quieted to hear from his accusers. They said: "The old man 
was disturbing the peace by loud and unusual noises and threat- 
ening language, and we thought it was about time to put a stop 
to it by bringing him before a Justice." I turned to our statute, 
(our town then having no ordinance upon the subject different 
from the State law,) and on examination found that the statute 
only punished the offense of making these loud and unusual 
noises in the night time, and as the old man did his yelling in the 
daytime, I had to let him go, but took occasion to say to him: 
"Now you see, Mr. Phelps, if you make any more of those 
noises and threats in the night time, I will get you." After this 
the old man never made noises in the night time, at least until 
after he got out of town, but the arrest had the effect of mainly 
breaking up the old man's habit of going out into the square and 
shaking his fist at and denouncing the south side. Dr. Nichols, 
who was for a time Mr. Phelps' physician, told me the following 
story of Daddy Phelps: The old man, when quite old — largely 
over seventy — was taken sick with bilious or typhoid fever. 
The doctor had attended him for some weeks, and concluded 
that in view of Mr. Phelps' advanced age and the long continu- 
ance of his sickness, during which his strength continually 
seemed to be failing, that he would hardly recover, and felt it his 
duty to say that if his patient had any matters which he might 
wish to arrange, in view of his condition and probable death, he 
had better now attend to them. This announcement was heard 
patiently, but the old lady, Mrs. Phelps, acted as almost any 
other woman would have acted under the circumstances — she 
began to sob and cry, and with her clean white apron to wipe 
her eyes. She^said: "Now, Mr. Phelps, it is not too late yet. 
Only put your trust in Him who taketh away the sins of the 
world. You have had a hard time in this world — a life of hard 
work and a continual struggle to live. In that good country 
where you may go there will' be no more hard work, no more 
sorrow and trouble." The old man, appearing to lie at the 
portal of death, answering with feeble voice, said: "Yes! Yes! 
I know. But I had rather stay here a while longer, where I am 



127 

better acquainted." Mr. Phelps got well and lived for a number 
of years thereafter, working till the last. He was an honest 

man all his life. 

BURTON CAVE. 

About the year 1836 or 7 the Burton cave was discovered, 
and for a time nearly all the young people of Quincy visited it. 
The cave was variously described as a quarter of a mile long, 
and divided into several compartments or rooms, some of them 
txtensive and all at first ornamented by numerous petrifactions 
or stalactites. In order to see it all, the visitor had to carry a 
candle in one hand, whilst in passing from one compartment into 
another they had to crawl on their hands and knees, not mind- 
ing the mud. In those days we had no theatres, and but few 
other local sources of amusement. A ride to the country then, 
as now, was delightful. The difficulties of doing the cave made 
it all the more funny. What has become of Burton cave? 

From 1837 to 1839 anc * 1840, the writer as Justice of the 
Peace, had some funny trials before him, even for a "new coun- 
try." I remember some of them — one in trespass-: One Ger- 
man, or Dutchman, as we called them, sued another for injuring 
his pig. His pig pen, situated on his own lot adjoining the lot 
of his neighbor, had become so filthy that he found it necessary 
to tear it down, releasing the pig, which for a time ran out in 
the lot of the owner, from which one day he escaped into the lot 
of his neighbor. The neighbor's dog attacked and scared the 
pig, and it, in attempting to get through the fence, got stuck and 
could not get out. The neighbor, in trying to release the ani- 
mal, pulled his tail off. This was the trespass. We decided 
against the plaintiff*. 

We had another lawsuit between two butchers. The plaintiff 
filed a long account against the defendant, one of the items of 
which was "for boardin' a bitch ten weeks, at two dollars per 
week," I think he proved it, and we allowed the item. 

We had another trial between two old Yankees — brothers-in- 
laws. We dismissed this suit. The account charged twenty- 
five cents for every dinner the defendant had eaten at the 
plaintiff's house for three years, and several charges of ten cents 
each for making hasty pudding for the defendant. These men 
had had a bitter family quarrel. They are probably both dead. 
I do not mention their names. The justices put a stop to these 
little trumped up items and charges made after the lapse of time, 
and in their inception never intended to be charged at all. 
But I had one trial which I call 



128 

THE WILDEST IRISHMAN WE EVER SAW. 

"He's a parjur and I'm a parjur; he's a desarter and I'm a 
desarter, and nayther of us can be sworn." Some time between 
1837 and 1840, there was one day brought in by the constable 
before us, then Justice of the Peace at Quincy, Illinois, a wild 
Irishman — the wildest I ever saw. He was tall, sinewy and as 
active as a cat; not above 35 years of age; head round, hard 
and about double the size of a stout monkey's, and he either 
could not or would not speak a word of English. His dis- 
jointed Irish sounded not unlike those sounds made by a dull 
woodsaw in the hands of a vigorous Freedman's Bureau darkey, 
just learning to saw hard wood "up norf." I have forgotten the 
name of the prisoner or of the witness, and am glad of it. The 
complaint was for assault and battery, and no doubt the battery 
was a very cruel one, judging from an inspection of the parties. 
For some reason, not yet explained, the constable simply brought 
in the prisoner and the complaining witness and left. I was left to 
guard the prisoner, to try the case and to execute the sentence. 
Not a single person in the city, outside of we three, seeming to 
either know or care anything about the case. But I promptly 
took up the matter by asking the complaining witness to stand 
up and be sworn. He slowly came forward and painfully at- 
tempted to raise his right hand. I arose, prepared to administer 
the oath, when, with a sudden bound, the prisoner placed him- 
self in front of the witness and between him and the court, ex- 
claiming as he did so: "Stop! stop! your honor. Bejabers, 
he's a parjur and I'm a parjur; and nayther of us can be 
sworn." An exact repetition of all this followed a number of 
attempts to start the case. At the end of each attempt and in- 
terruption, the prisoner and the witness would each quietly take 
a seat, but no progress could be made in the trial. After a 
a dozen or more attempts, an old magistrate friend of ours from 
the country — 'Squire D. — stopped at the door, and witnessing 
the obstreperous conduct of our Irish prisoner, came in and 
said: "'Squire, let me try that man." I readily consented, 
and placing 'Squire D. in my chair, said that I would just step 
outside for a few minutes, and begged that he would go on with 
the case. I, however, remained within hearing distance, and soon 
heard the loud voice, accompanied with the stamping foot of 
'Squire D., commanding the prisoner to be silent, to sit down, 
and to keep still — threatening to fine the prisoner for contempt to 
the utmost extent allowed by law — but all to no purpose, as I 



11". I 

still heard the exclamation, "Stop! your honor; he's a parjur 
and I'm a parjur, and nayther of us can be sworn." After 
allowing our old friend a fair chance, I quietly walked into the 
office again, when our friend promptly vacated the chair, saying- 
he had never seen or heard of such a "cuss" as that. I had 
brought back to the office no constable, none being found, but 
did bring back a large hickory club, heavy enough to knock 
down a bull with — at least an Irish one — and said: "Now, Mr. 
prisoner, I want you to explain what you mean by these inter- 
ruptions and exclamations that 'he's a parjur and you're a 
parjur, and nayther of you can be sworn.' What do you mean 
by that? "Your honor," he said, "I mane that he's a parjur and 
I'm a parjur, and nayther of us can be sworn. And that he's a de- 
sarter and I'm a desarter; that he's a parjur and I'm a parjur, and 
nayther of us can be sworn." So said I : "You mean that you are 
both deserters from the British army, and that in your desertion 
you are perjurers, having violated your oaths of allegiance to 
the Queen of England, both of you, and therefore neither of you 
can be sworn as a witness in any court." "That's it, your 
honor, that's it; he's a parjur and I'm a parjur; he's a desarter 
and I'm a desarter, and nayther of us can be sworn." "O, 
well," said I, "it makes no difference as long as you propose to 
swear against each other; perhaps as against any one else the 
oath of this witness would not count for much, but he is a good 
witness as against you, at least. Now, I must have no more 
interruptions. The witness must be sworn and allowed to tes- 
tify without further interruption, and if you spring up to inter- 
rupt again, 'by the holy jumping jay-birds,' I will knock yon 
down with this club." This ended the struggle, the witness 
was sworn and testified without further interruption. It was a 
clear, bad case against the prisoner, and I fined him twenty 
dollars, but whilst I was entering up the judgment and issuing 
the execution, our precious constable not yet having returned, 
the prisoner took leg bail, and, for aught we know, is running 
yet. We never found out where the constable had hid himself 
during the trial. 

Along in these early times there was here an old Irishman 
named Thomas Nowlan. He was noted for being very witty, 
sarcastic and litigious, always having a lawsuit with somebody. 
Pat Coyne, the tailor, and Nowlan one day had a suit before 
the writer, and at the trial quite a number of Irishmen were 
present, either as witnesses or spectators. The office was 



130 

nearly full of these people, and for a time all had to sit around 
waiting for some of the alleged important witnesses. I used to 
be pretty strict about order in court, and they were all silent, 
but as I had not yet opened the case, it was found a little dull 
and hard for the people to keep still. Nowlan was the plaintiff, 
I believe, and was sitting on one side of the room, and Coyne, 
the defendant, sat opposite to the plaintiff on the other side. 
There was an Irishman sitting by the side of Coyne named 
Jimmy — I forget his other name — when suddenly Nowlan broke 
the silence by saying to Jimmy, "Don't you know you are in 
danger?" to this Jimmy responded, "No, why?" "Because 
you have bad Coyne about you." This broke the stillness by a 
loud laugh. Coyne looked plagued and a ripple of Irish humor 
ran round the room, showing that every man took in the pun. 
The trial soon began and was finished. I decided against Now- 
lan, I believe, as he was nearly always beaten, but never seemed 
to mind it. The costs never troubled him for he never paid 
them. 

When I first came to Quincy, in 1834, I soon f° un d here the 
most ready and cheerful story-telling, gossiping lady I ever 
knew — Mrs. Earl Pierce, wife of Sheriff Pierce. It was her 
habit, upon first acquaintance with new comers, to tell them all 
about the early settlers. If the new comer was from the South, 
her stories were about the Yankees, and *if from the North, 
they were all about the Southerners. Quincy and this part of 
the State was indebted to her for the importation of that great 
pest of our door yards, the dandelion, "just for greens." She 
used to say that the Yankee women, when feeling quite cordial 
towards their neighbors of their own sex, when at the end of a 
call and about to separate, would say: "Now do come — come 
and see us. Do come, stay all day, and bring your dinners." 
What she said about the Southerners I do not know, but no 
doubt equally pungent. She had a gossiping story about all. 
She never lacked for a story or the faculty of telling it. She 
finally went to Texas with her husband, who left in a hurry. If 
living now, she must be over 80 years of age. She was superbly 
jolly and lively company, with no real malice after all. 

We had here about the year 1836 or 7, a clergyman — an 
evangelical churchman. He lived with his brother and his old 
mother, the brother being a shoemaker. They were English, 
and for a time lived on Hampshire street, near Sixth. The 
family kept a pig in the back yard, and one day the doors of 



131 

their dwelling being open, Mr. Pig rushed through the house 
and into the street, and put out for a run. The preacher had 
just returned from church, still wearing his black gown, and both 
he and the shoemaker, the latter having on his leather apron, 
gave chase after the pig; but not till after a long race did they 
overtake his swineship, capturing him and returning him to his 
quarters. The people on Hampshire street greatly marveled at 
the spectacle. This family afterwards purchased a lot near the 
corner of Eighth and Hampshire streets, on the north side of 
Hampshire, and erected upon the rear or north end of the lot on 
the alley a small dwelling house, in which they lived for some 
time. But this was not all. They also built the little house in 
front on the street. This little house was ten feet high and four 
teet square. At that time the photographers had not arrived in 
Quincy, so our readers must do without the picture. 

As this chapter purports to tell stories, I proceed with one 
showing why the Universalists never got a good foothold in 
Quincy. We had here during the early forties a few hard- 
headed men, a good deal inclined to a sort of free-thinking way 
— free Protestants, who protested more than they believed con- 
cerning religious matters — such men as John P. Robbins, John 
Cleveland, Sr., Captain Robert Evans, Thaddeus Monroe, and 
some others juniors, and among them the writer. In those days 
there came to Quincy a sort of missionary, having what was 
then to most of us a new gospel. He called himself a Univer- 
salist, and could, as he substantially alleged, "blow hell out like 
a candle," quoting more Scripture than any preacher we had 
ever heard. A sort of notice was given out that upon a certain 
Sunday this Universalist would hold forth at the court house. 
He came to time, and met a small but rather select little congre- 
gation of anti-brimstone people. The discourse was well pre- 
pared, was new to most of us, and well delivered. At its close 
he announced that if the brethren desired, and would make up 
a suitable provision for his expenses, &c, he would come twice 
a month during the summer and preach for them. Pretty soon 
a sufficient sum was subscribed, and the next Sunday he ap- 
peared and preached again. The Sunday before Mr. Robbins 
or Mr. Cleveland took him home and entertained him till he left. 
Upon this second visitation I invited the preacher home with me. 
At that time my wife was a Methodist, and did not, I think, feel 
very cordial towards this radical, though she received and 
treated him with quiet politeness. Our dinner was like our 



132 

usual Sunday dinner, mainly a cold dinner — the -piece de resist- 
ance, if that is the French of it—but anyhow the main and most 
substantial dish upon the table was one of Pomroy's best sugar 
cured hams. The ham had been boiled whole the day before 
and a little of it cut off and used for a dinner for two, but it was 
substantially in tact. There were other things upon the table, of 
course, but the Universalist addressed himself mainly to the ham, 
saying that it was a very good one, and adding that he himself 
was a little peculiar in his eating: that he did it all at dinner, 
and usually ate but once a day. He., however, staid with us for 
supper and breakfast without fatigue in his exercise as a trencher- 
man. To tell the truth, he pretty nearly eat at dinner the ham, 
leaving the good wife a little anxious about the coming meals. 
The next time he came here Captain Evans took him home with 
him, and his table exploits there, I infer, were equally remark- 
able. We then lived near Captain Evans, and on Monday after 
the preacher had been at his house Mrs. Evans, who was one of 
the best, kindest and most hospitable women in the town, ran 
into our house. She said it was not polite, she knew, to enquire 
about such things, but she would like Mrs. Asbury to tell her if 
she had observed anything peculiar in the preacher when he was 
at our house. At this Mrs. Asbury burst out laughing and 
replied: "Well, now, Mrs. Evans, since you mention it, tell me 
all about it." To this the reply was: "Well, I declare, I never 
saw a man eat like that in my life." Of course the ladies had a 
hearty laughing spell over the whole matter. But the next time 
the preacher came to Quincy he did not get an invitation to din- 
ner from any quarter. I think he left in disgust and never re- 
turned. I never heard either Mr. Robbins or Mr. Cleveland say 
anything about the eating capacity of our Universalist preacher. 
He had written a book embodying his theories, and probably by 
this time had covered the whole ground, and did not want to 
repeat at this point what he no doubt considered sufficiently 
proved. I have forgotten the name of the preacher, and if I 
remembered it, I would not mention it here. Every one of the 
disciples of this man here are now dead but myself, and long ago 
I have left the faith as taught by him. In telling this story, as 
I have sometimes done to a laughing crowd of women, I have 
always added that no doubt that but for these circumstances, I 
should myself have become a Universalist. At this they have 
laughed still more heartily. My readers may know now as a 
historical fact why the Universalist never took root among us. 



133 

Somewhere along in these times there lived here a Dutch- 
man by the name of Budke. He was a well-digger, a hard- 
working, poor old fellow, frequently in law, and having to a 
great extent abandoned his old beverage of beer, fell too much 
under the influence of Bourbon. One day Budke being the 
plaintiff, had a lawsuit before 'Squire Thornton, whose office at 
the time was in one of the first story rooms of the Quincy 
House. On the trial Budke became very angry at one of the 
witnesses, and said that something the witness testified to was 
a "damn lie." The justice at once put a stop to that sort of 
language by fining Budke five dollars for contempt. The trial 
went on and the case on the merits went against the plaintiff. 
Budke went home feeling pretty bad; he had lost his case, and 
besides had the fine standing against him. After studying the 
matter over all night he concluded next morning to go to the 
justice's office and try to beg off from the fine. It so happened 
that standing at the front entrance to the Quincy House — not 
far from Thornton's office, he spied the Hon. Stephen A. 
Douglas with Dr. Nichols. Budke was a great friend of Judge 
Douglas, and he at once importuned him to go with him into 
the office and try to get the 'Squire to remit the fine. The Judge 
being a United States Senator, did not feel justified in complying 
with the request, but told Budke to go in by himself and apolo- 
gize to the magistrate. He slowly, with his hat in his hand, 
went in whilst the two spectators drew near the door to hear 
what was said. Budke at once addressed the Justice in a very 
respectful and humble tone of voice, saying: "Mr. 'Squire, I 
am a poor, hardworking feller, have not much money, the case 
went against me, and that fine and the cost makes it pooty hard; 
can't you throw oft' that fine business?" To this address the 
magistrate replied: "Now, Budke, you behaved yourself very 
badly. Did you not say to the witness whilst he was testifying 
under oath that he told a 'damn lie?' " To this Budke replied: 
"Now, Mr. 'Squire, I am a poor Dutchman and can not speak 
and understand much good English. I youst thought that what 
I said to that witness was that he was youst a clever feller." 
This brought down the house and the fine was remitted. Poor 
Budke, I think, was afterwards killed in a well which he was 
digging. 

It was in 1840, I think, that we had our first and last election 
riot. In connection with our old railroad system there had ar- 
rived in this part of the country a large number of people, then 



134 

called "railroad Irish ;" not many of the rank and file of them 
permanently remained in Quincy. Of the so-called riot itself I 
can not speak from personal observation, because on that day I 
had gone to Lima to attend the election up there. But without 
the mention of names, most of the actors of that day being now 
dead, or gone away, I may say from what I heard from some 
of the spectators, there was for a time a good deal of "music in 
the air." It appeared then as now, that most of the Irish were 
Democrats, whilst there were then a good many of the Germans 
who were Whigs. Exactly how and where the row first began, 
I do not know, but pretty soon the rumor ran all over the town 
that the Irish were after the Dutch. Some of the poor Germans, 
who were greatly in the minority, were beaten and stampeded. 
One poor fellow, Barth, the butcher, was beaten nearly to death, 
and a sort of Donnybrook Fair ensued. Shillalys were wielded 
with true art, and most people felt like standing aside whenever 
they saw a roaring mass of these people coming in their direction. 
One distinguished Democratic politician tried to quell the furore, 
and in the midst of his good intentions received a whack with a 
shillaly. When this was done some of the crowd sang out, 
"Let him alone; he's one of our frinds." The reply to this was, 
"Well, bejabers, a fwack won't hurt him anyhow." Our mayor 
was notified of the riot and straightway called out the militia. 
The Quincy Grays, in full uniform, armed with muskets, soon 
appeared, with the mayor on horseback (riding a bobtailed 
pony). This soon put an end to the row. Many arrests were 
made, but no one was ever convicted for anything that occurred 
that day. No one was killed, and no doubt the whole disturb- 
ance was the result of too much whisky, and arose without any 
premeditation or plan of action. A few days ago, one of the 
members of the old company (the Quincy Grays) told me that just 
as the company were wheeling around the corner of Fifth and 
Hampshire streets, going east, he discovered, on the north side of 
Hampshire, about midway of the block, between Fifth and Sixth 
street, "Old Slack," with his back to the wall, knocking down 
people; every stroke brought down a man, and thus as many 
as six or eight had fallen under his sledge-hammer strokes. It 
appears, as I understand it, that Vanfleet, a blacksmith, had 
been pounded by the rioters somewhere near, and had run to 
Slack for help. He was shoved into a sort of alley-way between 
two houses, and Slack stood near to guard the entrance. The 
crowd of Irishmen rushed after Vanfleet, but the first one 
was knocked down by Slack, and then another, and another, 



135 

until some six or eight had fallen, when at this time the militia 
came up and ended the contest. The exploits of the old Whig 
hero, Lewis Slack, became the town talk for days, and indeed 
are not yet forgotten. It was said by his friends that Lewis 
Slack could whip any man, Irishman, or otherwise. The fight 
had been hard, however, and there was one Irishman particu- 
larly, who thought he could whip Lewis, and would like to try 
it; so next day he hunted for Slack, and not finding him outside, 
went to his house to see him; sending in his name with a request 
to see Mr. Slack. He was shown into a bed-room. The fact 
was the hero had received some bruises and felt pretty sore, and 
had gone to bed. When the man came in he saluted Mr. Slack 
in a friendly tone of voice, and said: "Sir, I understand that 
you say you can whip any Irishman in the world; that you 
knocked down a crowd of them yesterday. I am considered a 
a pretty good man myself, and I called to see if you would like 
to try me." To this Mr. Slack replied: "No, sir, all that took 
place yesterday is passed. I have no malice against any one, 
and wish to let what passed yesterday pass forever. I don't 
want to fight you or any one in the world — give us your hand 
and let us be friends." In sketching this riot I am like old 
Lewis Slack in feeling to let the first election riot pass, yet the 
event was too important and noted to permit me to pass it 
in entire silence. As Fontenell said about the breakfast, still it 
was a poor breakfast; so still it was a poor riot. Lewis Slack 
was a native of Delaware, a blacksmith by trade, an honest and 
peaceable man. He never had a fight on his own account. He 
died only a few years ago, and he was the hero of our first and 
last election riot. 

OF OLD TIME PREACHERS AND CLERGY. 
In this chapter of anecdotes, I shall speak of only two of them. 
They were both, when living, (one of them is dead) men for 
whom I have entertained the highest respect and regard. I al- 
most doubt the propriety of telling a story about either of them 
— simply an account of their sacred calling — still I think the 
stories won't hurt the memory of the dead, or the feelings of the 
living. The Rev. George P. Giddinge came here about April, 
1841, or forty years ago, and remained here for over twenty 
years as rector of St. John's Church, now St. John's Cathedral. 
He was a most scholarly man, thoroughly and stubbornly hon- 
est, and only peculiar in his intercourse with people by reason 
of his deafness; dignified in his demeanor, yet acutely sensitive 



136 

to fun and true wit. He was a most eloquent preacher and 
one of the best writers of current sermons I ever knew; precise 
and exact in language, he seldom met with a slip of the tongue, 
but one day from the chancel he announced to his astonished 
hearers that at the afternoon service that day the sacrament of 
circumcision would take place. The word was scarcely uttered 
when he discovered the lapsus lingua, and in a hurried voice 
said the sacrament of baptism. This was the only joke we ever 
had on Father Giddinge, and none of us ever ventured to rally 
him about it. His acute sense of humor, however, made it im- 
possible for him to keep back a pretty broad smile on this occa- 
sion. Father Giddinge removed to the State of Missouri some 
few years before the breaking out of the rebellion, and at the 
time of this event he resided at Palmyra, in charge of a semi- 
nary of learning. The people of that place, when and before the 
war broke out, were divided in their loyalty — mostly divided on 
one side, that was the Southern side. Mr. Giddinge was loyal 
to the old flag and strongly opposed to secession. One night 
in the early period of the troubles, some mischievous boys and 
young men, some of them, it is alleged, college boys, brought a 
Confederate flag, and climbing upon tne seminary building of 
Father Giddinge fastened it there. On the next morning 
the flag was discovered waving over the seminary. The sight 
of it there created in the proprietor of the seminary the greatest 
excitement. He tried to find out who put it there. He tried to 
have it taken down by some one able to reach it, but failing to 
get any one to take down this, to him, new and hateful flag, he 
determined, though then an old man, to take it down himself, 
and after much fatigue and excitement he pulled it down. Not 
long after, probably induced by the worry, excitement and fatigue 
of getting down this flag, and by the annoyance of the occasion, 
a spell of sickness ensued and in a few days thereafter he died. 
His remains were brought to this place, and the funeral from old 
St. John's was largely attended. The church was heavily draped 
in mourning and the old flag was spread over his coffin when 
carried to Woodland Cemetery, where it now lies. A short time 
before the event of the Confederate flag being placed upon 
the seminary, Mr. Giddinge, being in Quincy, came to see the 
writer, and before he left handed me the following address to the 
old flag, which he had written only a few days before. I believe 
the lines, not long after Mr. Giddinge's decease, were published 
in the Whig, The manuscript is now before me: 



137 
THE STAR SPANGLED BANNER. 
Fling it out to the breeze, let it float on the gale, 

The flag that has sheltered the free and the brave; 
Let no star in its galaxy ever grow pale, 

But undimmed let it shine as unrent let it wave. 
'Tis no lone star of freedom contending with right, 

No feeble palmetto, exacting and vain, 
But a whole constellation with glory so bright, 

It should palsy the arm that should rend it in twain. 

Fling it out to the breeze, let it float on the gale, 

The Star Spangled Banner, the flag of our sires; 
Let their sons cluster round it when foemen assail, 

And beneath it defend both their altars and fires. 
United yet free, but united in truth, 

Let the banner of Union still over us wave, 
And the Star Spangled Banner that curtained our youth, 

When we sleep in the dust, let it shelter our grave. 

Mr. Giddinge was not, in the then common acceptance of the 
term, an Abolitionist. I believe he had owned or purchased a 
negro woman servant at the time or after his removal to Pal- 
myra. He had, prior to coming to Quincy, for some years re- 
sided in Kentucky. 

The Rev. Horatio Foot, Congregationalist, was and still is, 
as we write, a noted man and an old-time preacher. He came 
to Quincy about February, 1840, when he became pastor of the 
Congregational Church; after some years, he was succeeded, 
I think, bv the Rev. Rollin Mears, and not long after a second, 
or another Congregational Church, was built for him. He 
remained in the harness for many years as a preacher, and only 
retired from the charge of a congregation when he became old. 
He is now, I believe, near four-score years of age. During 
his earlier years here he was a noted revivalist, would some- 
times preach a series of the most searching and systematic ser- 
mons, running through many consecutive weeks— somewhat 
after the manner of the celebrated Finney, of the East. I did 
not hear many of these discourses, but our old friend and extra- 
ordinary story-teller John Martin Holmes would sometimes so 
closely imitate Mr. Foot's tone and manner of speaking as to 
make the hearer, if the voice proceeded from another room, 
feel sure that it was the voice of Mr. Foot himself, besides Mr. 
Holmes possessed a most remarkable memory of language, and 
could repeat sometimes nearly all the sermon. Mr. Foot 
preached a series of sermons upon the "Prodigal Son," in one 
of which, as reported by John, he was describing our modern 
prodigal sons — taking some of the young men from New 



138 

England, who had been educated in the homes of piety in that 
country — taught the faith of their fathers by pious and praying 
parents, and the example and careful training of God-fearing 
mothers. These young men frequently came out to the great 
West and were thrown in the midst of all sorts of wickedness 
and folly, soon losing their religion, and apparently forgetting 
the pious ways and lessons of the old homestead. Some of them 
wandered off into the Rocky Mountains, falling among Indians 
and thieves, whilst a few of them even went South and became 
slave-drivers and overseers of plantations. Then pausing, he 
said impressively, "The meanest business out of hell — except 
keeping grocery." On one occasion, John said, whilst describ- 
ing the horrors of the lost, or damned, he said in hell "every 
finger would burn like a candle." In those days this figure of 
speech, though very strong, was only remarkable for its sup- 
posed aptness to the idea of endless punishment, then more 
generally preached and dwelt upon than at present. On one 
occasion Mr. Foot had gone to Mendon to hold a series of 
meetings, and on his return, the Sunday after, he described to 
his hearers the success and deep religious work which had gone 
on at Mendon during his visit. He said the Lord had made 
bare His arm in many conversions — in fact nearly all the young 
people of Mendon had been brought in and converted ; all ex- 
cept one young man, and he had a "dumb devil." It appears 
that this young man could not be made to talk or say anything 
or do anything about religion, but remained incorrigibly dumb. 
In this sketch we lift the curtain to look back to forty years ago. 
Mr. Foot is still living, and is one of the most liberal and charita- 
ble of men. May he live long enough to read this sketch and to 
forgive any unintentional misrepresentation. As they say in 
the East, "may he live a thousand years." Mr. Foot, like Father 
Giddinge, was loyal, and when our first soldiers left for the seat 
of war upon that first Sunday after the Rebels had fired upon 
Fort Sumpter, his exhortations, prayers and bendictions with 
others were ringing in their ears. 

There was one other of our early ministers, but concerning 
whom, though we have no story to tell, we yet wish to say a word 
about him. I refer to the Rev. George Moore, the first Uni- 
tarian minister settled here. Mr. Moore came here about 1840, 
and was a close follower in his general ideas and religious con- 
victions of Dr. Channing. He was never married; was riot a 
great preacher, or at least not a noisy one; modest, kindly in 



139 

his manners and disposition, but he literally went about doing 
good. I believe he was the first of our preachers that habitually 
visited the prisoners in jail, going there every week, and in 
some instances, every day. A most Christian gentleman, whose 
account in the High Court of Record in Heaven no doubt will 
bear inspection by the Great Master Himself. Those who 
knew him well did not soon forget him, and many still remem- 
ber him, though his remains have slept in Woodland Cemetery 
for over thirty-five years. 

OLD MAN BARTLETT. 
Mr. John Bartlett, from Barbadoes, came to Quincy some 
forty years ago. He was of English descent, and, like all colo- 
nial Englishmen, was more intensely English than the natives of 
England proper themselves. He brought to this country and to 
Quincy a very large amount of ready money — perhaps more 
than any one man brought here before or since. His peculiar 
disposition and somewhat reserved and distant bearing soon re- 
pelled and kept back almost every really disinterested and honest 
citizen. This kind of men had nothing to ask of Mr. Bartlett 
and kept their distance, whilst another set of fellows, some of 
which are found in every community, people who are willing to 
play toady and to flatter, soon, by pretended friendship, made 
their way into the old man's confidence and began a system of 
cheating and robbery, getting from him large sums of money 
upon worthless securities and soon fleecing him of more than 
half his fortune. Mr. Bartlett built one or more houses here, 
one that is now occupied as the Movement Cure, on the corner 
of Sixth and Broadway — probably the best built house in the 
city. He also went into merchandizing and finally lost every, 
thing, dying some years since poor. He was an honest and 
honorable man, but his very peculiarly stubborn or unbending 
disposition frequently brought him into collisions with other 
men. One day in coming from his residence to his store — the 
day after a deep snow — he found on the sidewalk along which 
he had to pass, only a single narrow pathway through the 
snow, and as he trudged along with an umbrella in his hand he 
met a bulldog and the dog's owner — the dog was ahead of his 
master. The meeting in this narrow path made it necessary for 
one or the other, the dog or Mr. Bartlett, to step out of the 
path in the deep snow. Mr. Bartlett stopped, the bulldog 
stopped, but neither seemed willing to step aside for the other 
to pass. The old man at length punched the dog, with his um- 



140 

brella, at which his owner jumped in front of Mr. Bartlett, 
cursed him for striking his dog, threatening to pound him, and 
shaking his fist under the old man's nose. For this Bartlett 
swore out a warrant against the man for assault, and the de- 
fendant was arrested, taken before 'Squire Thornton, and fined, 
but not liking the decision he appealed the case to the Circuit 
Court, where in due time the case was re-tried and Judge 
Douglas held that there had been no assault within the meaning 
of the statutes. This decision made the complaining witness to 
say: "What sort of a country is this? An old man is made to 
get out of the way of a dog, and is threatened and bullied and 
then made to pay the costs." At an another time whilst Mr. 
Bartlett was engaged in store-keeping as a merchant, one day 
there came into the store a farmer with a crock of honey for 
sale. Mr. Bartlett said he did not want it, did not think it was 
very good honey, but after awhile agreed to take it at a certain 
price per pound. Afterwards, when asked what he wanted for 
it, the farmer said the money. In those days almost every kind 
of country produce purchased in the stores was paid for in 
goods. It appeared that Bartlett, when he said he would take 
it, had expected to pay for the honey out of the store, and soon 
a lively quarrel sprung up about it. The farmer insisting on being 
paid for it in cash, whilst the store-keeper insisted that it was 
to be paid for in goods. There appearing no prospect of agree- 
ing, the old man picked up the crock of honey and pushed it at 
the farmer, telling him to take it and clear out of the store. At 
this point the farmer snatched the crock and deliberately hurled 
the whole thing at Bartlett's head. It struck him on his breast 
and the crock was shivered to pieces, whilst the honey literally 
plastered him from head to foot, running down his clothes 
to the floor. The farmer did not stop to pick up the pieces, but 
left the store. This was an indignity, thought the old man, sure 
enough, and with the honey still running down his legs he 
rushed into the office of the nearest Justice of the Peace, which 
happened to be the office of the writer. I could not help but 
laugh whilst he was telling the story and demanding a warrant, 
and pretty soon, when he began to think of the ridiculous side 
of the matter, he began to laugh himself. I told him if he had 
any trial about it before a house full of people, he would probably 
never hear the last of it, and advised him to go back to the store 
and try to have his clothes cleaned, and if the next day he 
wanted a warrant, I would write his complaint. But he did not 



141 

come back, and the story did not circulate. A gentleman who 
used to be for a time a clerk in Mr. Bartlett's store told me the 
following story about Mr. Bartlett and old man Limb. Mr. 
Limb was an Englishman, fond of a joke and occasionally of 
something good to drink, and he very frequently went into 
Bartlett's store when he came to town. It appears that on one 
occasion when Limb came into the store he found Mr. Bartlett 
in a particularly gloomy and dispirited mood. He was quite a 
Church of England religious man, and for a time and at times 
he would read and say his prayers in his counting room with 
great diligence. Limb coming in without knocking or leave, 
found Mr. Bartlett upon his knees at his prayers, and this inter- 
ruption caused him to rise. Limb, in his hearty English way, 
said: "How are you, Mr. Bartlett? I hope you are well this 
morning." But Mr. Bartlett did not respond very cheerfully; 
still, after a moment he invited Limb to sit down, and then there 
ensued a conversation between them about after the following 
fashion: Limb — "I hope, Mr. Bartlett, you are having no 
trouble. You must excuse me for coming in and interrupting 
you in your prayers; I meant no harm. We are all liable to 
some troubles, but we must bear up under it, you know." 
During this speech Limb had kept his eye upon a certain corner 
cupboard, from which on former visits Mr. Bartlett had drawn 
out a stout bottle of Bourbon whisky, glasses, sugar, &c, &c. 
Mr. Bartlett took the hint, and and soon the two old men were 
mixing their toddies, and after awhile both of them began to feel 
not afraid to face a frowning world. A good deal of talk back 
and forth ensued, and religion, of course, was discussed. Mr. 
Limb thought that too much religion was not good for a man, 
and to this they both finally agreed; but Bartlett thought that 
every man ought to have some religion. Mr. Limb assented, 
and the discussion was closed by Mr. Bartlett saying: "Yes! 
yes! just enough religion to save him. Take another drink, 
Mr. Limb. I am glad you called in." 



CHAPTER XIII 

Quincy in Times of War. 



l¥ that abnormal state of society growing out of war, 
we, with other localities upon the extreme borders of the 
State, have had our full share, and also of the incidents and ex- 
citements necessarily attached to the clash of arms, the gather- 
ing, drafting, mustering and marching away of citizen soldiers. 
Our earliest settlements came after the war of 1812 with Great 
Britain, yet we have had among us a number of the soldiers of 
that war — Joel Rice, John W. McFadon, John McDade, and 
Robert Evans, Sailor and others. A few of them still reside 
here. Of the so-called Black Hawk war in 1832, I have already 
briefly written. The war with Mexico, commencing in 1846, 
was more serious, our State sending six regiments, and from 
Quincy parts of several companies. Of those who became 
captains of companies there were from Quincy Captains Kelly, 
Morgan, Prentiss and Lott, the latter succeeding to the com- 
mand of the company of Captan Kelly, who was killed at 
Buena Vista. I believe there are now two or more of Captain 
Kelly's company (privates) still living here, among them John 
Dewire and Jimmy O'Connor, both disabled in the war and both 
yet, as I believe, pensioners. One of Captain Morgan's company 
also resides in the county. . The first of our dead heroes brought 
here from the battle field was Captain Timothy Kelly, whose 
funeral was largely attended amid the greatest excitement and 
the deepest feeling. His remains still lie in the old Roman 
Catholic cemetery on Maine street. 

Of that greatest of modern wars, the war of the rebellion, 
I might write very much, but must confine myself to a mere 
sketch of what more nearly affected our own locality, only re- 
ferring to distant events which hurled Quincy, with all other 
parts of our State and country, into the vortex of war. 

Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated President of the United 
States on the 4th of March, 1861. The bombardment of Fort 



143 

Sumpter was begun under the command of the Rebel General 
Beauregard upon the 12th of April, 1861, and on Sunday, the 
14th, Major Robert Anderson, of the First artillery, in com- 
mand of the fort, having surrendered on the 13th, marched out 
with colors flying, drums beating, and saluting his flag with fifty 
guns. The flag was hauled down and the Rebel forces took 
possession of the fort. On the 15th of April President Lincoln 
issued his proclamation and call for 75,000 troops. Thus this 
great war of the rebellion was inaugurated. Throughout the 
entire non-slave-holding States of the Union, and to some extent 
even in the South, the greatest excitement, indignation and de- 
nunciation followed the indignity to the "old flag." That salute 
of fifty guns to the flag, as it was about to come down from the 
walls of Fort Sumpter, was soon answered by the resounding 
thunders of ten thousand cannon all over our country. It is 
impossible to describe the feeling which pervaded our City of 
Quincy, even at midnight, on the day that Fort Sumpter lell. 
But a few days passed when our streets resounded to the march- 
ing tread of our young soldier boys. It was on the next Sunday 
evening after the surrender of Fort Sumpter that over two 
hundred men from Quincy alone left our city for, to them, the 
unknown fields of strife, followed by the benediction, prayers 
and tears of our whole people. To the young who have come 
upon the stage of life since that 21st day of April, i86r, we can 
convey no idea of the event. All over the country, norrh and 
south, there was the gathering of men for the coming conflict. 
Away down South in Dixie, as in loyal Illinois, mothers parted 
from their sons amid tears and blessings. Whatever affecting 
scenes were presented in the North, had their counterpart in the 
South. Well might mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters weep 
over the events of the hour. Alas! those tears were but the 
prelude in the drama of the years of mourning and sorrow 
which followed. It is often said that no true man who went 
through the war of the rebellion upon either side of the contest 
wishes evermore to witness another such struggle. If there is 
now one man in our country who says "Let us renew the fight, 
let us have another war of sections," we may rest assured that 
that man was himself no true soldier. He may have said "Go 
boys," but did not say "Come boys." 

I should deem it no injustice to others, whose names cannot 
be given, to publish here the names of the men, our first soldiers 
in the war of the rebellion, who left Quincy on that first Sunday 
after the flag came down at Sumpter, April 21, 1861. Though 



144 

their enlistment was but for ninety days, some of them died at 
Cairo and never returned. After the term of ninety days ex- 
pired, most of them re-enlisted for three years, or during the 
war. But as every name of every officer and soldier of Illinois 
is recorded in the report of the Adjutant General of this State, 
comprising eight large volumes, I must forego the pleasure of 
recording their names in this History of Quincy, though in doing 
so I omit to mention many names near to many of our people. 
A large number of these, our first soldiers, are now dead. 
Nearly twenty-one years have come and gone since. 

Of the great union meeting held here on Wednesday night, 
April 17, 1861, I should not be true and faithful as a mere his- 
torian if I omitted to say a word upon every side. The Quincy 
Herald of the 16th contained an editorial referring to the Presi- 
dent's proclamation of the 15th calling for the military of the 
several States (75,000 men). To this article a reply was made 
by Mr. Browning and published on the 18th, the day after the 
great union meeting. The Herald article says of the procla- 
mation: 

It is extraordinary because it calls for soldiers in a manner, and to carry 
out the enforcement of the laws by a process unknown to the constitution. 
The constitution of the United States requires the laws to be executed by 
courts and their officers, and the military are to be used only in aid of the 
civil authorities, and upon their demand. Have the civil authorities of 
any of the seceding States demanded military aid? If so, then the Presi- 
dent may call for troops. But if not, then, most clearly, is the President 
trampling down the constitution of the country. 

I deem it but just to say that Mr. Brooks was probably not 
aware of the law of Congress of 1795, quoted by Mr. Brown- 
ing in his reply, at the time he wrote his above article. He 
most probably had in his mind only the law of 1792. I think 
that not one man in ten thousand of our people was then 
acquainted with the law. It was found here, after a long search, 
in an old copy of the United States statutes, and on the margin 
marked obsolete. Who so did it, or why so marked, I do not 
know. As it is worth while to keep in mind the motives and 
principles which moved all Quincy, I insert the legal part of Mr. 
Browning's reply, as follows: 

Now, to the law, and the testimony. 

In 1792 Congress passed a law upon this subject containing, among others, 
this provision : 

"That whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the 
execution thereof obstructed, in any State, by combinations too powerful 
to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the 
powers vested in the marshals by this act, the same being notified to the 



145 

President of the United States, by an Associate Justice or the District Judge, it 
shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the 
militia of such States to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws 
to be duly enforced. And if the militia of a State, where such combina- 
tions may happen, shall refuse, or be insufficient to suppress the same, it 
shall be lawful for the President, if the Legislature of the United States be 
not in session, to call forth and employ such members of the militia of any 
other State or States most convenient thereto, as may be necessary, &c." 

Under this law the President could not call forth the militia until noti- 
fied of the necessity of doing so by an Associate Justice or District Judge. 
Then he had first to call for the militia of the State in which such combi- 
nation existed ; and, in the event of their refusal, or insufficiency, he might 
then, but not till then, call forth the militia of other States ; but even in 
that case he was restricted to the militia of the States most convenient to 
the State in which the combination existed. 

If this were now the law, the comments of the editor of the Herald 
would be just, and it probably is the law he had in his mind when he wrote 
his article ; but, if he had examined the law for himself instead of taking, 
as I suppose he did, the statements of others as to what it was, he could 
not have failed to discover that, by its own limitation, it expired in some- 
thing less than three years after its passage, and, that in addition to this, 
it was expressly repealed on the 28th of February, 1795. 

This law, I apprehend, was found wholly inadequate to the emergencies 
it was intended to meet ; so it was, as above stated, repealed ; and on the 
same day another law was enacted, entitled, in the language of the consti- 
tution, "the act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws 
of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions." 

This law, which is still in force, which is the law of to-day, as it was the 
law of 1795, provides : 

"That whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the 
execution thereof obstructed, in any State, by combinations too powerful 
to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the 
powers vested in the marshals by this act, it shall be lawful for the Presi- 
dent of the United States to call for the militia of such State, or of any other 
State or States, as may be necessary to suppress such combinations, and to 
cause the laws to be duly executed. 

"That whenever it may be necessary, in the judgment of the President, 
to use the military force hereby directed to be called forth, the President 
shall forthwith, by proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse, 
and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within a limited time." 

It will be perceived that, by this law, the power is vested in the Presi- 
dent to call forth the militia whenever, in his judgment, it may be neces- 
sary to suppress insurrection, and that he has not to await the demands of 
a civil officer — that he is not required to call for the militia of the State in 
which the combination exists, and that he is not limited in his call to the 
States most convenient thereto, but may, in his discretion, take the range of 
the entire Union. 

Can it be denied that the emergency contemplated by the law had 

arisen ? Fort Sumpter was established and garrisoned by law. By law the 

President is Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the United States, and 

by law it was his duty to furnish the garrison with all necessary supplies 

of clothing, provisions and munitions of war to enable it to maintain its 
10 



146 

position. This he undertook peacefully, and in strict acordance with law, 
to do, and was forcibly and successfully resisted by a lawless combination 
which no one can doubt was "too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary 
course of judicial proceedings." In this state of the case would not the 
President have been recreant to his most sacred duties, and unworthy of 
the high station he occupies, if he had failed to act with promptness and 
energy ? Bring the proclamation to the test of the constitution and laws, 
and it will be found in exact harmony with them, and clearly within the 
range of the President's legitimate power and sworn duty. 

The only purpose of this article is to vindicate the President from a 
charge of usurpation, which, I am willing to believe, was inconsiderately 
and not maliciously made, but which, if true, ought to go far to deter good 
men from responding to the call made upon them in behalf of their country 
in- this hour of her need. For such a country and such a government as 
ours, we cannot render too much service or make too many sacrifices ; and 
it is to be hoped that, after an examination of the constitution and laws, 
no patriot's conscience will upbraid him for cheerful and enthusiastic com- 
pliance with the demands of the President's proclamation. 

It is due to the editor of the Herald that I should say that the italics in 
his article, as here quoted, are my own, and that I have not written this 
with the intention of impeaching his patriotism, but, as before remarked, 
for the sole purpose of vindicating the President from charges which I 
regard as unjust and injurious, and calculated to dampen the ardor of my 
fellow citizens in the sacred cause of the country in this momentous crisis 
of her history. O. H. BROWNING. 

April 17, 1861. 

Speeches were made by Hon. I. N. Morris, Hon. O. H. 
Browning, J. Grimshaw, B. Arntzen and others, irrespective of 

party. 

THE GREAT UNION MEETING. 

The meeting last (Wednesday) evening was of a character seldom seen 
in Quincy. Men of every party were there, vieing with each other in the 
expression of devotion to the Union, and against the spirit of treason. 
The court house speedily became too small, and an adjournment was made 
outside. The night was warm and beautiful, and though out-door speaking 
is always laborious, Colonel Morris, from the steps of the court house, ad- 
dressed the audience with a success which, under the circumstances, was 
remarkable. The "old flag" was floating in the moonlight from the staff 
in front, and the numbers, the spirit, the enthusiasm, and the utter absence 
of all partizan feeling, betokened an influence at work in this community 
with which it will not do for traitors to trifle. 

Mr. S. P. Delano called the meeting to order at 7:30 o'clock, and nomi- 
nated Charles A. Savage, Esq., as Chairman, which was carried. 

On motion of James Woodruff, the following gentlemen were unani- 
mously selected as Vice Presidents and Secretaries : 

Vice Presidents — D. Stahl, M. D., Damion Hauser, Amos Green, E. H. 
Buckley, Thomas Redmond, T.Rogers, John Crockett, John C. Cox, Robert 
S. Latham, C. Zimmerman, M. D. 

Secretaries — J. G. Rowland, Philip Snyder, John P. Cadogan, E. C. 
Winter. 

Dr. Stahl was called for from all parts of the house. He said he was out 



147 

for the first time in three weeks, and would only say now that he had 
sworn twenty-five years ago to support the government of this country, and 
he should not desert it now in its hour of trial. 

Hon. 0. H. Browning offered for the consideration of the meeting the 
following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: 

We, the .people of Quincy, and of the County of Adams, citizens, native 
horn and adopted, of the United States, friends of law and order, devoted 
in heart and soul to the Union and constitution which have so long blessed 
and prospered us ; proud of the gallant stars and stripes, the emblem and 
the guardian of civil and religious liberty, under whose protecting folds we 
have so long reposed in peace and security, and determined to protect and 
defend that venerated banner of our fathers from all indignity and dis- 
honor, and recognizing no distinctions except such as separate patriots 
from traitors, do hereby unanimously declare : 

1. That we have heard, with profound pain and indignation, of the 
atrocious assault made by traitors upon the flag of the Union at Fort 
Sumpter, and that the treason which led to the assault must be chastised — 
the indignity offered to the glorious stars and stripes must be avenged — the 
constitution must be vindicated, the government upheld, and the reign and 
rule of law and order restored in all our borders ; and to the attainment 
of these ends we pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 

2. We declare that the contest in which we are now engaged, involves 
the continuance of constitutional government, and civil and religious 
liberty on this continent. It is the cause of our country and of humanity, 
and not the cause of a party in which we are embarked, and it is the duty 
of every good citizen and patriot to co-operate, to the fullest extent of his 
ability, with the administration in all the necessary measures it may adopt 
to put down treason, maintain the Union, preserve the government, and 
defend the honor of the country. 

3. We heartily approve of President Lincoln's proclamation, calling 
forth the militia to put down unlawful combinations too powerful to be 
suppressed in the ordinary way, to maintain the laws and integrity of the 
national Union, to perpetuate popular government, and redress wrongs 
long enough endured. We believe it to be entirely within the scope of his 
powers, as President under the constitution and laws of the Union, in the 
strict line of his duty, and imperiously demanded by the exigencies of the 
times ; and now and here ignoring all party distinctions, abjuring all party 
allegiance, and acknowledging only that higher and nobler fealty which 
we owe to the country and the constitution, as American citizens, we 
solemnly pledge ourselves to stand by and sustain the government in all 
its efforts to subdue rebellion and prevent anarchy, to re-establish the in- 
tegrity of the Union, and restore peace, harmony, and the protection of 
the laws to our distracted country. 

The laws of the United States having thus been violated in 
the capture of Fort Sumpter, at the cannon's mouth, by men 
organized and fighting under a new and strange flag, the Presi- 
dent of the United States, holding the Union of the States as per- 
petual, called for troops to enforce the laws and to uphold the 
national authority. Quincy and Adams County were soon to 
have their full share in the bloody contest to follow. By turning 



148 

to that faithful and invaluable work of Adjutant General J. N. 
Haynie, in eight large volumes, and published by authority of 
our State, we may learn that Illinois did her duty well, though 
she failed, no doubt without intentional injustice, of being credited 
at Washington with all the men she sent into the war, her 
patriotism kept her from loud complaints. General Haynie, 
compiler of this great report, is now dead, and but few 
of our people seem to remember his patient labors and his 
patriotic devotion to Illinois and our whole country in the dark- 
est days of war. In Schedule D of the first volume of this 
work I find under the head of quotas and credits that Quincy 
and Adams County are credited as having sent into the war 
5,173 men. The population of the county was stated at 41,144 
souls. Adams County sent more men into the field than any 
other county of the State excepting Cook and LaSalle Counties, 
both exceeding Adams in population. The enrollment of Adams 
County under the enrollment of 1864 of those liable to military 
service was 8,475. Under a revised enrollment of January, 1865, 
it stood at 6,457. The enrollment of 1864, as indeed all enroll- 
ments, had to be made under instructions from the War Depart- 
ment to the enrolling officers, so as to include all men between 
the ages of 18 and 45 years. No discretion was allowed to the 
enrolling officers; they were to enroll all. Thus many were 
enrolled not subject to draft, and who upon being drafted were 
found exempt under the rules prescribed for their examination 
by the surgeons. But the enrollment of these incompetent men 
increased our quotas, and though I did all I could, under orders, 
to get these men to come in and be examined by the surgeons 
before our final revision should be sent to Washington, very few 
of them came, they feeling sure that their unfitness for service 
would appear in case they should be drafted. No one officer in 
the Provost Marshal's office had the right to strike oft' any name 
from the enrollment books. It could only be done after exami- 
nation and the action of the Board, and then reported to the 
Provost Marshal General's office. Thus, when the draft came 
there were many names found upon our rolls of men who had 
gone away, many who had died, and some even who were in 
the army but whose absence had not been reported to us. All 
new names were added to the list of those claimed to be liable 
to draft, whilst few were or could be stricken off' here. In some 
of the sub-districts in our district, when the war ended, nearly 
every able-bodied man had volunteered or gone away, leaving 
scarcely men enough to fill the remaining quota of the district. 



149 

Quincy and Adams County formed one of the five counties of 
the then Fourth Congressional district. The population of Adams 
County, as then stated, was 41,144; that of Hancock County, 
29,041; that of Henderson, 9,499; that of Mercer, 15,037; and 
that of Rock Island, 20,981 ; total, 1 15,720. The average of pop- 
ulation of these five counties would be 23,172. Adams sent 
into the war 5,173; Hancock, 3,272; Henderson, 1,330; Mercer, 
1,620; and Rock Island, 2,099; tota ^ ^ rom tn - e Fourth district, 
13,494. If five counties, with an average population of 23,142 
each, sent into the war 13,494 m en, how many should the whole 
State have sent, the whole State containing 102 counties? The 
average of the number of men sent from each county of the 
Fourth district was a fraction over 2,698. If we multiply this 
by 102, the number of counties, we shall produce for the State 
282,176 men. These figures and statements are made now, not 
for the purpose of finding fault in any quarter. No doubt that 
owing to the locality of our county and district upon the borders 
of two States, many of the young men of this county and the 
district, as we have already stated, crossed over our borders to 
fight under the same old flag in regiments of these border States. 
Some of them were afterwards credited to us, but no doubt 
many of them, without wrongtul intention in any quarter, were 
not thus credited. 

It may not be uninteresting to state here that Illinois is cred- 
ited as having sent into the war (see Schdule D) 226,592 men, 
whose names are recorded. Besides this number, many of our 
young men throughout the State, in the earlier stages of the war, 
went into other States and there volunteered. Illinois, as stated, 
received credit for some of them, but no doubt many of them 
were not thus credited by reason of the omission, sometimes 
accidentally, of the volunteer in stating his residence in the en- 
listment papers. I know of some colored men from Quincy who 
were mustered into one or more Massachusetts regiments. The 
regiment of Colonel John A. Bross, the Twenty-ninth United 
States colored regiment, was mainly raised in Quincy — 903 men. 
How many of these men were credited to Quincy? Though no 
doubt some of them were so credited, I do not, as I write now, 
know. The regiment of Colonel Bross is not mentioned in our 
Illinois regiments, nor is the regiment of 985 men of Colonel J. 
W. Wilson so mentioned. There also appears in the Adjutant 
General's report the names of Captain John Curtis, ninety-one 
men, that of Captain Simon G. Stookey, ninety men, and Cap- 



150 

tain James Steele, eighty-six men. If we carefully study the 
Adjutant General's report, we shall be convinced that his re- 
capitulation at the end of his Schedule A is not over the actual 
facts. But allowing for the men lost to our State in the matter 
of credits, Illinois sent into the war as many as 240,000 men. 
The recapitulation is as follows: 

Infantry .-.185,941 

Cavalry 32,082 

Artillery 7,277 

225,300 
Now, if we add for men unavoidably lost to us in the matter of 
credits, and including excesses in districts, we shall, we think, 
make up 14,700 more 14,700 

Thus making for the State 240,000 

It is proper to remark that the Illinois Legislature convened 
in special session April 23, 1861, and out ot respect to Illinois 
regiments in Mexico provided that the infantry regiments raised 
under the President's proclamation of the 15th of April, 1861, 
should begin with the number seven. The law also provided 
for the election of a Brigadier General. Hence Benjamin M. 
Prentiss, of Quincy, became the first Brigadier General of volun- 
teers, though by the ruling of the War Department the act of 
Congress only gave those Brigadiers appointed by the President 
rank from the date of their appointment by him. Prentiss 
having been at first commissioned by Governor Yates, did not 
take rank until afterwards appointed by the President. 

Quincy and Adams County had, we know, men and officers, 
or officers alone, in the following regiments, besides some, per- 
haps many, not within our observation, namely: Of infantry, 
the 10th regiment, the 14th, 15th, 16th, 19th, 27th, 33d, 43d, 
50th, 58th, 65th, 66th, 73d, 78th, 84th, 97th, 118th, 119th, 137th, 
148th, 151st and 154th. Of cavalry Quincy and Adams County 
sent one full company at least — Delano's, afterwards Moore's 
company of the Second regiment — and also Maclall's company 
of the Third regiment. The State sent into the field seventeen 
regiments of cavalry. As Provost Marshal of our district, I 
recruited and mustered quite a large number of men for cavalry 
regiments in the field, and also in the First and Second regiments 
and ten batteries of artillery raised by the State we had some 
men, but exactly how many I cannot state without great care and 
patient examination of records. My main object in these some- 
what statistical statements is to carry the minds of my readers 



151 

back to the times of war in Quincy. In this connection I may 
state that Quincy was represented, more or less, in every army 
corps of the nation, either in the regular or volunteer service. 
There could scarcely be a battle of any magnitude during the 
war but our people, or some of them, felt a personal interest in 
its results. As a matter of course, we lived in a state of painful 
excitement and anxiety, and when the end came, all rejoiced. 
Many, however, knew that some of those who had gone forth 
to fight for their country could never return. 

Some eight hundred of the soldiers of Illinois died at the 
Rebel prison at Andersonville, Georgia, alone, from the organi- 
zation of the prison until March 18, 1865. Their names were 
copied from the prison records by John H. Goldsmith, Sergeant 
Major Fourteenth Illinois infantry volunteers, and all appear in 
Schedule N of the Adjutant General's report, volume 1, be- 
ginning at page 216. Only Wirtz was hanged for cruelty 
towards these poor fellows, whilst the great secession leader and 
President still lives, the boldest, hardest and most cruel leader of 
revolt since Satan fell from Heaven. Milton makes the great 
adversary to exclaim: 

What though the field he lost? 
All is not lost; the unconquerable will 
And study of revenge, immortal hate, 
And courage never to submit or yield. 

Though Jefferson Davis never can lead another revolt, it would 
still be pleasant for the great body of the people to think better 
of him than they do, but he speaks no reconciling word. Of 
the men mentioned in this Schedule N of the Adjutant General's 
report, one belonged to the Tenth regiment, thirty-three to the 
Sixteenth regiment, fourteen to the Seventy-eighth regiment, 
and seven to the Eighty-fourth regiment — some of them from 
Adams County. If we remember that Illinois alone had 800 
men die at Andersonville prison, we may form some idea of 
the total number who perished there. I have not before me an 
exact statement of that total, but it must have amounted to 
many thousands. War Department records show the full 
number. 

Though our city and county had their full share of horrors 
incident to and resulting from the great war of the rebellion, we 
yet, in a business and commercial point, were exceedingly pros- 
perous. Our merchants, mechanics and manufacturers were all 
busy. In the matter of saddles, harness and war equipments 



152 

alone to the amount of as much as $250,000 at least was fur- 
nished here to the government, and though some of our manu- 
facturers, owing to delayed payments and the sudden rise in 
prices of material, eventually lost money under their contracts, 
yet in a general way we had a great season of business pros- 
perity during the war. 

Our hospitals for sick and wounded soldiers, our commissary 
and Quartermaster's department, and last, though not least, the 
headquarters of the Provost-Marshal's office for our district, all 
tended to keep every man busy and anxious in the discharge of 
his duties. 

It may be proper to state here that during the year and fifteen 
days the writer held the office of Provost-Marshal here, there 
were sent into the war from these headquarters, of volunteers, 
drafted men and substitutes, 4,000 men. There were sent dur- 
ing the services of my predecessor, of volunteers about 500 men. 
The whole number of men credited to our office, including de- 
serters from other States and from our own State, 4,750 men, or 
more than five regiments. 

Indeed Quincy was quite a metropolitan or chief city upon the 
western border of the State, and has then and since, I believe, 
laid the foundations of future growth and prosperity. I might, 
with propriety, in writing this book go into a good many bio- 
graphical sketches of some of our most prominent officers of the 
war, but to do so would cause me to exceed my limits, and so 
this history of Quincy must it seems to me, be "Hamlet" with 
the "Hamlets" left out, except so far as the said "Hamlets" are 
indissolubly united to events not participated in by a whole na- 
tion. 

I should deem myself greatly remiss and at fault if I should 
not here say a few words concerning the women of Quincy and 
the county during the war, and especially their two great socie- 
ties, "The Needle Pickets" and "The Good Samaritans." These 
societies had a laudable rivalry as to which could best work, 
and do most for the comfort of the sick and wounded soldiers of 
the nation. I think the total of their contributions, if merely 
counted at their money value, amounted to many thousand dol- 
lars. If our mothers of the revolution knew how to minister to 
the wants of our fathers in their struggle for national indepen- 
dence, the wives and daughters and sisters of Quincy also knew 
and felt what was due from them towards those fighting for the 
preservation of our heritage of liberty. We are proud to say 



153 

that the women of Quincy were not one whit behind the best 
and foremost of their sex anywhere throughout our country in 
their patriotic and efficient help. 

I have headed this chapter "Quincy in Times of War," and 
have but too briefly spoken of several ot our wars as partici- 
pated in by us and close it with a brief introductory account of 
the Mormon war of 1846. As we have stated, during the win- 
ter of 1837-8, a large number of the Mormon people upon their 
expulsion from Missouri arrived at Quincy. There was much 
suffering and destitution among them, including women and 
children. Quincy did for them all she could do in the way of 
relief and in giving employment to those of the men who desired 
work. The first humble cottage owned by the writer was partly 
built by some of these Mormons. Not long after the first body 
of these people reached here, Joe Smith himself with Sydney 
Rigdon and others of their leading men, came here also. 
Rigdon, who was one of the most eloquent men of his day, 
preached here frequently, and always to large audiences. Smith 
kept very quiet and was not much seen in public. The winter 
passed in quietness and the Mormons were on their good be- 
havior. Old Daddy Smith and his aged wife, Joe Smith's 
father and mother, rented the house, or a part of it, situated on 
the northeast corner of Sixth and Hampshire streets, and set up 
a sort of museum of curiosities, consisting mainly of several 
mummies from Egypt. The old lady charged ten cents admit- 
tance and acted as exhibitor, explaining who and what each ob- 
ject really was. I am now unable to accurately give even the 
substance of these explanations by the old lady, but in substance 
they amounted to an assertion that one or more of the mummies 
was one of the Pharoahs or kings of Egypt, and there belonged 
to him some hieroglyphics or writings upon papyrus, which 
she said in some way proved the truth of Mormonism or some- 
thing tending in that direction. The show did not seem to pay 
and did not run long here. However uncanonical and doubtful 
Joe Smith's revelations might have appeared to others, his old 
father and mother no doubt believed them all. 

As they loved him he seldom could try 

Too much their great faith in his word, 
Whether he told them of angels that fly, 
Or of voices from Heaven he'd heard. 
Not long after their arrival in Illinois, the Mormons fixed upon 
Nauvoo as a permanent residence and headquarters. They had 
numerous outlying settlements in Adams and Hancock counties 



154 

within convenient distances of the new city, and for a time 
seemed to get along peaceably with their neighbors. It was not 
very long, however, until complaints and charges were heard on 
every hand against this strange people. It was soon discovered 
that they were united in an unusual degree, in politics as well as 
in religion. As the Mormons increased in number, they be- 
came an important factor in elections. As Joe Smith and his 
followers went, so went the elections in Hancock County, and 
the Congressional district in which Nauvoo was located. When 
Joe Smith left Missouri, or soon thereafter, one or more indict- 
ments for alleged criminal offenses were found by one or more 
grand juries in that State against Smith, and I believe some 
others of the chief men among the Mormons, or "Church of the 
Latter Da}- Saints," as they were called. Smith having become 
a resident of Illinois under the laws of Congress, he might be 
surrendered for trial in Missouri upon the demand of the Gov- 
ernor of that State upon the Governor of Illinois to that end. 
Both Governors, during all the time of the advent and residence 
of the Mormons in Illinois, were of the same political party, and 
if, during the approach of an important election, it became an 
object to secure the Mormon vote on that side to which both 
Governors belonged it was also found very important just then 
to the ends of justice that the demand upon our Governor should 
be made by the Governor of Missouri. Two or more of these 
demands were made pending important elections. It appears 
also that our legislature, in the most reckless manner, granted to 
the City of Nauvoo special charters containing unusual powers 
and privileges, and soon thereafter that city adopted the most 
extraordinary ordinances, conferring upon their local authorities 
most unusual powers. The following may serve as a sample of 
the claims set up at Nauvoo by that city under her charter, viz.: 
The following is a copy of a writ issued by the civil authorities 
of the City of Nauvoo. The Nauvoo city charter has in it (Sec. 
17) the following clause: "The Municipal Court shall have 
power to grant writs of habeas corfais in all cases arising under 
the ordinances of the City Council" As this naked provision 
was not sufficiently strong for the purposes of the Mormons, 
they undertook most dishonestly and corruptly to stretch it by 
ordinance of their City Council. They accordingly passed an 
ordinance in substance declaring that in all cases of arrest with- 
in said city (no difference under what authority) their omnipo- 
tent writ of "habeas corpus''' should operate. They also passed 



155 

an ordinance subjecting all process issued out of the city to an 
examination and endorsed approval of Joe Smith, before the 
same should be served in said city: 

COPY. 

State of Illinois, City of Nauvoo. 
Special Term of the Municipal Court of the City of Nauvoo, August 8, 1842. 
The Judges of said Court— To Thomas C. King, of the County of Adams 
and State aforesaid — Greeting: * 

We command you that you do forthwith, without excuse or delay, bring 
or cause to be brought before this court, at their chambers in the city of 
Nauvoo, the bodv of Joseph Smith by whatever name or condition he is 
known or called, and who is unlawfully detained and in your custody, as 
it is said, together with the day and cause of his caption and detention, 
then and there to perform and abide such order and detention as the said 
court shall make in that behalf. And hereof make due return under the 
penalty of what the law directs. In testimony whereof we have set our 
hands and affixed the seal of said court, this 8th day of August, A. D. 1842. 
[seal] Orsen Spencer, Chief Justice pro tern. 

George W. Harris, ] 
William Marks, I A „„ n „:„ tp T nst ices 
N. K. Whitney, j Assoclate Justices. 

Gustavus Hills, J 

Attest: James — (sir name obliterated) Clerk of the Municipal Court of 
the City of Nauvoo, Illinois. 

Endorsed — By the Habeas Corpus Act. 

This is one of the several instances of an executive writ from 
a sister State being thus evaded and worse than resisted — no 
man ever believed the Mormon Court had any jurisdiction in 
such case. Yet Joe refused to come with the officer, and was 
by his own creatures at Nauvoo discharged. The records of 
Nauvoo will show many strange ordinances and proceedings, 
which are now perhaps scarce worth the trouble of looking up. 
It is proper to remark that the officer in this case refused to 
obey the writ, and not being able to enforce it, he left Joe in the 
the hands of his friends and they formally discharged him. 
Thomas C. King, who went to Nauvoo to make the arrest of 
Smith was as brave a man as could be found in this State, but as 
he afterwards informed the writer, the overpowering force pre- 
sented in threatened resistance to his attempt to bring away the 
body of Joseph made it prudently necessary for him to come 
away, leaving the prophet behind. 

It was either upon this or some other like occasion that Smith 
appeared at Springfield, December, 1842, upon habeas corpus be- 
fore the United States District Court of this State — then presided 
over by the Hon. Nathaniel Pope, judge. Lamborn, Attorney- 
General, appeared to sustain the Governor's warrant for the ar- 
rest of Smith preparatory to his being taken to Missouri for trial 



156 

under indictments there pending. Justin Butterfield, of Chicago, 
with B. S. Edwards, appeared for Smith, and moved the court for 
his discharge. Smith was accompanied by many of his friends — 
apostles and associates from Nauvoo. When the proper time 
arrived for taking up the case, Judge Pope upon the bench, and 
seated near and on either hand a row of beautiful women, who, 
by reason of the courtesy, and if you please, gallantry of His 
Honor, were there to see and hear about the new prophet, 
Butterfield made his celebrated introduction, as follows: "May 
it please the court, I appear before you to-day under circum- 
stances most novel and peculiar. I am to address the Pope, 
(bowing to the Judge) surrounded by angels (bowing still lower 
to the ladies), in the presence of the holy apostles in behalf of 
the prophet of the Lord." Smith was discharged by the court, 
and for a time became a greater hero than ever before. The 
Governor and people of Missouri did not care a straw about it, 
but at the next election in Illinois the Mormon vote fell upon the 
side of the Governors, of course merety accidentally. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



Of the Conduct of Quincy Concerning the Mormon War 
— Quincy Fut Right by One Who Knows. 



INHERE were from time to time enacted by the city author- 
re ities ordinances which, in any other community, would 
have excited the greatest furore of opposition. Here is one: 

"An extra Ordinance for the extra case of Joseph Smith and others." 
[Preamble: recounting Smith's difficulties with Missouri.] 

Section 1. Be it ordained by the City Council of the City of Nauvoo, 
according to the intent and meaning of the Charter for the "benefit and con- 
venience" of Nauvoo, that hereafter, if any person or persons shall come 
with process, demand, or requisition, founded upon the aforesaid Missouri 
difficulties to arrest said Joseph Smith, he or they shall be subject to be 
arrested by any officer of the city with or without process, and tried by the 
Municipal Court upon testimony, and if found guilty, sentenced to impris- 
onment in the City Prison for like, which convict or convicts can only be 
pardoned by the Governor, with the consent of the Mayor of said City. 
****** * * * * * 

Passed December 8, 1843. Joseph Smith, Mayor. 

Wii.lakd Richards, Recorder. 

What beautiful legislation! The pardoning power taken 
from the Governor! — and life imprisonment under a city ordi- 
nance!! Here is another less dangerous one: 

"An Ordinance for the Health and Convenience of Travelers and other 
persons." 

Section 1. Be it ordered by the City Council of the City of Nauvoo, 
that the Mayor of the City be and is hereby authorized to sell or give 
spirits, of any quantity, as he in his wisdom shall judge to be for the 
health, comfort or convenience of such travelers or other persons, as shall 
visit his house from time to time. 

Passed December 12, 1843. Joseph Smith, Mayor. 

• Willard Richards, Recorder. 

Joseph Smith was arrested at Palestine Grove, June 23, 1843, 
by Harmon T. Wilson and Joseph H. Reynolds — Reynolds be- 



158 

ing the messenger sent to Illinois to bring Smith back to Mis- 
souri upon demand of the Governor of that State upon our 
Governor to answer an indictment upon the charge of treason 
against the government of Missouri. After several alleged at- 
tempts upon the part of Smith and his friends to appear before 
a judge of the Circuit Court upon habeas corpus, the officers 
with Smith and others started, as it was alleged, for Quincy, 
and to have the motion for discharge under the writ of habeas 
corpus tried before Judge Young here, but in passing Nauvoo 
from Dixon the prophet desired to stop at his home. Pretty- 
soon the Nauvoo City Court, as they had done under the arrest 
mentioned as made by Thomas C. King, discharged Smith, and 
Reynolds had to go back with a "water-haul," as they say. I 
believe there were at other times other attempts to take the 
prophet to Missouri for trial, but none of them succeeded. 
Perhaps one of the hardest jokes for any man to bear was the 
one resulting from this case in relation to the Hon. Cyrus 
Walker. Mr. Walker was a Whig, a good man, and one of the 
foremost lawyers of the State in his dav, with a natural and 
laudable ambition to go to Congress; he was the Whig candi- 
date for Congress in the Hancock County district. When Joe 
was in trouble, growing out of the last mentioned arrest, he ap- 
plied to Mr. Walker for his professional services in getting a 
release under the habeas corpus act. Mr. Walker, it was alleged, 
appeared for Joe Smith before the city court of Nauvoo and urged 
in one of his able arguments that the court had jurisdiction and 
ought to discharge Joe. It was understood soon afterwards 
that Smith had found it his duty under revelation to go for 
Walker, and personally, it is said, he did, but just before the 
election his brother Hyrum had a revelation to the effect that 
the Latter Day Saints were to go for the Democratic candidate, 
Hoge, and thus Walker was beaten. 

I should find it impossible, if otherwise desirable, to go into 
any lengthy history of the wars and murders and disturbances 
in Hancock County following the residence and final expulsion 
of the Mormons from Hancock County, but have in my posses- 
sion over a hundred documents, affidavits and pamphlets put 
forth by one or the other of the parties to these wars and dis- 
turbances. I am now desirous only to set forth the part borne 
by Quincy in the final arrangement under which the Mormons 
left the State. I have before me No. 6, of Vol. 2, of the Times 
and Seasons, of January 15, 1841, this being the official paper of 



159 

the Mormon people. It contains "A Proclamation to the Saints 
Scattered Abroad — Greeting." The following extracts from 
this proclamation which is signed Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon 
and Hyrum Smith, Presidents of the Church, will show their 
estimate of the people of Quincy: * * * "It would be im- 
possible to enumerate all those who, in our time of deep distress, 
nobly came forward to our relief, and like the good Samaritan, 
poured oil into our wounds, and contributed liberally to our 
necessities as the citizens of Quincy en masse and the people of 
Illinois generally seemed to emulate each other in this labor of 
love. We would, however, make honorable mention of Gov- 
ernor Carlin, Judge Young, General Leech, Judge Ralston, and 
some eight others mentioned, who will long be remembered by 
a grateful people," &c. They likewise make mention of the 
legislature of this State, who, "without respect of parties, with- 
out reluctance, freely, openly, boldly and nobly have come forth 
to our assistance, owned us as citizens and friends, and took us 
by the hand and extended to us all the blessings of civil, political 
and religious liberty by granting us, under date of December 
16, 1840, one of the most liberal charters, with the most plenary 
powers ever conferred by a legislative assembly on free citizens, 
for the City of Nauvoo, the Nauvoo Legion, and the University 
of the City of Nauvoo. The first of these charters (that for the 
City of Nauvoo) secures to us, in all time to come, irrevocably all 
those great blessings of civil liberty, which of right appertain to 
all the free citizens of a civilized republic — this is all we ever 
claimed," &c. The proclamation goes on to speak of the advan- 
tages of the Nauvoo Legion as embracing their military power, 
&c, and of the University with its learned professors and regents. 
It also announced that John C. Bennett, M. D., had been appointed 
quarter-master-general of the State of Illinois, and says that "the 
charters for the University and Legion are addenda to the city 
charter, making the whole perfect and complete." In view of 
the extraordinary legislation at the hands of the Illinois legisla- 
ture, we need scarcely wonder at the result of the Mormon resi- 
dence in the State and its unhappy end. 

As stated, Joe Smith was killed in the Carthage jail on the 
27th of June, 1844: his brother Hyrum was also killed and Mr. 
Taylor, the editor of the Nauvoo Neighbour wounded. All 
these parties were in jail charged with criminal offense. They 
had at first resisted arrest, but finally surrendered. It is no part 
of my purpose to enter now into the miserable details of 



160 

the Mormon wars, quarrels and protracted disturbances in Han- 
cock County during several years of the advent of the Mor- 
mons at Nauvoo. Soon after the death of the Smiths, Brigham 
Young became the head of the Mormon organization. Prior to 
this time, and indeed afterwards, dissensions had arisen even 
among the citizens of Nauvoo. Whilst renewed charges and 
complaints of sundry crimes and murders were made by the 
people of Hancock County against the Mormons, counter- 
charges and accusations were made and kept up on the other 
side. At length old political parties and differences were laid 
aside, and there remained substantially but two parties to the 
quarrel — Mormons and anti-Mormons. Not only in Hancock 
County, but mainly in Adams and other counties surrounding 
Hancock, it came to be generally felt and believed by the people 
that there could be no peace for this part of Illinois so long as 
the Mormons remained here. In the language of General Sin- 
gleton, in his address to the public of September n, 1846: "Be- 
lieving that nothing short of the removal of the Mormons would 
'restore peace to the country." This conviction was before that 
time fully impressed upon the people of Quincy, and as early as 
the 22d of September, 1845, a very large public meeting was 
held in the Court House, and passed a resolution to send to 
Nauvoo a committee of citizens to make known to the Mormon 
authorities the conclusions of the meeting. The following reply 
to the committee will explain the purport of the message the 
committee was charged to present at Nauvoo: 

TO WHOM IT MAY COMCERN. 

Nauvoo, September 24, 1845. 

Whereas, a council of the authorities of the Church of Jesus Christ of 
Latter Day Saints, at Nauvoo, have this day received a communication from 
Henry Asbury, John P. Robbins, Albert G. Pearson, P. A. Goodwin, J. N. 
Ralston, M. Rogers, and E. Conyers, Messrs. Committee of the citizens of 
Quincy, requesting us to "communicate in writing our disposition and in- 
tention at this time, particularly with regard to removing to some place 
where the peculiar organization of our Church will not be likely to engen- 
der so much strife and contention as so unhappily exists at this time in 
Hancock and some of the adjoining counties;" and, 

Whereas, said Committee have reported to us the doings of a public 
meeting of the citizens of Quincy, on the 22d inst., by which it appears 
there are some feelings in that place concerning us as a people, and in re- 
lation to which sundry resolutions were passed, purporting to be for the 
purpose of maintaining or restoring peace to the country ; and, 

Whereas, it is our desire, and ever has been, to live in peace with all 
men, so far as we can, without sacrificing the right of worshipping God 
according to the dictates of our own consciences, which privilege is guar- 
anteed to us by the constitution of these United States ; and, 



161 

Whereas, we have, time and time again, and again, been driven from our 
peaceful homes, and our women and children been obliged to exist on the 
prairies, in the forests, on the roads, and in tents, in the dead of winter, 
suffering all manner of hardships, even to death itself, as the people of 
Quincy well know ; the remembrance of whose hospitality in former days 
still causes our hearts to burn with joy, and raise the prayer to heaven for 
blessings on their heads ; and, 

Whereas, it is now so late in the season that it is impossible for us, as a 
people, to remove this fall, without causing a repetition of like sufferings ; 
and, 

Whereas, it had been represented to us from other sources than those 
named and even in some communications from the Executive of this State, 
that many of the citizens of the State were unfriendly to our views and 
principles ; and, 

Whereas, many scores of our houses in this county have been burned to 
ashes, without any justifiable cause or provocation, and we have made no 
resistance, till compelled by the authorities of the county so to do, and that 
authority not connected with our Church ; and, 

Whereas, said resistance to mobocracy, from the legally constituted 
authorities appears to be misunderstood by some, and misconstrued by 
others, so as to produce an undue excitement in the public mind; and, 

Whereas, we desire peace above all earthly blessings; 

Therefore; We would say to the committee above mentioned, and to the 
Governor, and all the authorities and people of Illinois, and the surround- 
ing States and Territories, that we propose to leave this county next 
spring for some point so remote, that there will not need to be a difficulty 
with the people and ourselves, provided certain propositions necessary for 
the accomplishment of our removal shall be observed as follows, to-wit: 

That the citizens of this, and surrounding counties, and all men, will use 
their influence and exertions to help us to sell or rent our properties, so as 
to get means enough that we can help the widow, the fatherless and desti- 
tute to remove with us; 

That all men will let us alone with their vexatious lawsuits, so that we 
may have the time, for we have broken no law; and help us to cash, dry 
goods, groceries, good oxen, milch cows, beef cattle, sheep, wagons, mules, 
harness, horses, &c, in exchange for our property, at a fair price, and deeds 
given on payment, that we may have the means to accomplish a removal 
without the suffering of the destitute to an extent beyond the endurance 
of human nature; 

That all exchanges of property be conducted by a committee or commit- 
tees of both parties, so that all business may be transacted honorably and 
speedily ; 

That we will use all lawful means, in connection with others, to preserve 
the public peace while we tarry, and shall expect decidedly that we be 
no more molested with house-burning, or any other depredations to waste 
our property and time and hinder our business; 

That it is a mistaken idea that we "'have proposed to remove in six 
months ;" for that would be so early in the spring that grass might not 
grow nor water run, both of which would be necessary for our removal, 
but we propose to use our influence, to have no more seed time nor harvest 
among our people in this county after gathering our present crops. And 
that all communications to us be made in writing. 

By order of the Council. Brigiiam Young, President. 

Willard Richards, Clerk. 
11 



162 

It is proper to state here, that this action on the part of 
Quincy was taken in a spirit of kindness towards all the parties, 
and her views were communicated to the Nauvoo authorities in 
a respectful and straight-forward manner. Our committee ar- 
rived at Nauvoo on the day after the meeting here, at about n 
o'clock a. m. We found the city under a sort of military or 
marshal law. On our way to the hotel where we stopped we 
passed one or more armed sentinels upon their beats. We 
found soon after our arrival that Brigham Young and some 
others of the leading men were absent at Carthage, but were 
expected to return that evening. Our committee (all of whom, 
except the writer, and probably M. Rogers, are now dead) had 
to await the return of Young. During the afternoon we looked 
around the city to a small extent, and made some inquiries of 
those we met as to the present population of Nauvoo and its 
general condition. We were informed that the population of the 
city was then at least 15,000 souls, and during the long hours 
we had to wait for the return of Young, we had time and occa- 
sion to discuss among ourselves the rather singular nature of our 
mission and the magnitude of the modest request of Quincy that 
this people should pull up stakes and go away. And let it be 
remembered, that Quincy, which was first to receive and treat 
with kindness the Mormon people, was the first, though reluc- 
tantly, to say to them, without threatening, it would be best for 
them to go. Brigham Young arrived from Carthage late, and 
at near 11 o'clock at night your committee delivered the Quincy 
resolutions with a short and respectful note from the committee. 
The next morning at breakfast the committee received the re- 
ply which is substantially given, "To Whom it May Concern," 
as herein stated. After the return of the committee to Quincy 
they reported to a meeting of its citizens the result of their mis- 
sion to Nauvoo, and the communication made to them by the 
President of the council at Nauvoo. The meeting passed reso- 
lutions of approval, and thereafter a meeting was held at Car- 
thage in October, 1845, of the people of the surrounding nine 
counties, which also accepted the pledges made by the Mor- 
mons in September. For a time comparative peace reigned in 
Warsaw and in Hancock County; but when September of the 
next year, 1846, came and after grass grew and water ran, it 
was found that only a portion, though a large portion, of the 
Mormons had left the State for their newly chosen home near 
Salt Lake. 



163 

The better element of the Mormons, including their leaders 
and the strong men and women best fitted for the journey, had 
gone, leaving many of the poorest and perhaps most worthless 
people still at Nauvoo,with the seeming purpose to remain there 
for another winter at least, if not for an indefinite period to come. 
There then arose another struggle, the last and the final one. 
Warrants had been issued against some parties at Nauvoo, 
charging some criminal offense, and finally placed in the hands 
of John Carlin to be executed; and under the claim that 
he had the right to call out the whole power of the county to en- 
able him to go into Nauvoo and arrest the parties, there was 
soon gathered a large body of men who finally, under the mili- 
tary command of Colonel Tom Brockman, the sturdy blacksmith 
from Brown County — a man of great determination, a good 
stump orator, and with the strength and constitution of a horse. 
Brockman was caught in the tide of angry passions which sur- 
rounded him, and soon found, even if he had desired it to be 
otherwise, that the so-called fosse comitates were bent on going 
into Nauvoo. Brockman's command from first to last embraced 
as many as 800 men, and mostly well armed. The Mormons 
and their allies numbered, as stated in a message of Governor 
Ford, dated December 1846, at first about 250, but were dimin- 
ished by desertions and removals before the decisive action took 
place to about 150. After Brockman arrived near the city on 
the nth, he sent into Nauvoo a flag of truce, under which he 
demanded surrender, &c. This was denied, and on Saturday, 
September 12, 1846, there occurred the battle of Nauvoo — a few 
men were killed and a few wounded, and much ammunition ex- 
pended. On Sunday, the 13th, some of our citizens who were 
in Nauvoo the day before when the attack was made, arrived in 
Quincy with the news of the event, and this report, with other 
information received previously, made it evident that the anti- 
Mormons, under Brockman, would soon again attempt to march 
into Nauvoo. Some blood having been shed upon both sides 
with no decisive result, and with increased animosities, and un- 
der the conviction that the men under Brockman so greatly out- 
numbering the other side, could and would succeed in going into 
Nauvoo upon their next attempt, and that in case they did so, 
the result might be considerable loss of life, even extending to 
women and children, and perhaps also result in burning down 
the town. 



164 

The writer meeting the Hon. I. N. Morris near the Court 
House, said to him: "Now, Mr. Morris, is the time for Quincy 
to act. We should send up to Nauvoo at once a large commit- 
tee with the hope of preventing another battle, and perhaps save 
our State from the disgrace resulting from the probable killing 
of even women and children in the fight." "Singularly enough," 
said Mr. Morris, "I was hunting you for the same object. We 
should send a committee of one hundred of our best citizens." 
"Yes," said I, "all, if you please, anti-Mormons, or those who 
realize that the Mormons must go soon, if not now. We must 
try to prevent further blood-shedding." So on Sunday, Sep- 
tember 13, 1846 — I believe that was the date — Mr. Morris and 
myself went forth through the town and called a meeting at the 
Court House for that evening. A large number of those noti- 
fied attended whose names were written down and it was agreed 
and appointed that this committee of one hundred should start 
at an early hour next morning for the seat of war. It was un- 
derstood that they were to go unarmed and for the purpose of 
negotiating an agreement or treaty between the belligerents so as 
to prevent further bloodshed and such disasters as we felt might 
follow another attempt on the part of Brockman's army to fight 
its way into Nauvoo. The committee had no thought that they 
could dictate terms to the parties engaged in the contest. Their 
main idea and purpose was to stop the war. The committee 
arrived at a point about two miles and a half east of Nauvoo on 
the same or the next day after they left Quincy and encamped ; 
but previously they had sent messengers into Brockman's camp 
and into Nauvoo, notifying each party of their coming, and of 
our desire and purpose to act as mediators to prevent further 
war, and also stating to both sides that we mere unarmed, but 
anti-Mormons, and offering our services to aid in preventing 
further bloodshed. Our committee, soon after its arrival and 
encampment, appointed two sub-committees, one to visit Brock- 
man's camp, outside of the city, and the other to visit Nauvoo. 
The writer served upon both committees upon different occa- 
sions, and was present in Nauvoo at the final close of negotia- 
tions. Our first object was to effect a suspension of hostilities 
between the parties to allow time for negotiations. After some 
reluctance on the part of the besieging army, we got an agree- 
ment for a short suspension of firing, but before we got through 
some misapprehension occurring, firing was again renewed, and 
in one instance a six-pound shot fell near the Mormon headquar- 



165 

ters whilst some of the committee were in them. Another de- 
lay occurred, in which our sub-committees had to visit each 
camp to explain. Our committee obtained from Brockman 
what he proposed. This was objected to by the Nauvoo parties, 
who sent a counter-proposition, which was at once rejected by 
Brockman. Our committee then for the first time made out 
and sent unto each party a proposition; this was accepted by 
Nauvoo and rejected by Brockman. The writer then proposed 
to the committee to come home. In our proposition the Mor- 
mons were not to be compelled to remove from Nauvoo imme- 
diately, but within a short time, limited, and not to be hurried 
off in a day. Our sub-committee was then instructed to go to 
Brockman and get his ultimatum. When this was received in 
our camp it was found substantially the same as his first, and 
was to the effect that the fosse comitatus should march into 
Nauvoo the next day at 12 o'clock m. This ultimatum was 
finally accepted by the Nauvoo authorities, and an agreement or 
treaty was drawn up by our secretary, Andrew Johnston, Esq., 
now of Richmond, Va. This treaty was first signed by parties 
at Brockman's camp, but before this could be done, the night of 
the second day after the committee had arrived had set in, but 
with this treaty one of our sub-committees, consisting of Mr. 
Johnston, Mr. Morris, Mr. Asbury and one or two others 
repaired to the headquarters of the Mormon authorities in 
Nauvoo, where it was signed by them, and then the dogs of 
war were called oil. By this time it was near 11 o'clock at 
night, and one of the darkest nights I ever saw, and we found 
the utmost difficulty in finding our way back to our camp; in 
fact we got lost and had to take shelter for the remainder of the 
night in an old empty house we found in our wanderings. That 
night was a hard night; it had rained and turned quite cool. 
None of us had blankets, and some of us were without cloaks or 
overcoats. The tardy daylight at length appeared, and we re- 
turned to camp for breakfast, and about 11 o'clock Brockman 
marshaled his hosts and started for Nauvoo, our committee 
bringing up the rear of the procession, and now like the little 
boy, had nothing to say. 

In fact, kind reader, our committee, consisting of one hundred 
of as good men as ever resided in Quincy, with all their good 
intentions to prevent the further shedding of blood, and with no 
thought or desire that the Mormons should permanently remain 
in Nauvoo, but that they should not be hurried off in a day, 



166 

found themselves without honor or credit for good intentions by 
either party or by our Governor. Governor Ford and many 
of our committee are now dead, but as few men now living know 
more of the inside struggle at Nauvoo in September, 1846, than 
the writer of this history, I deem it but an act of justice, at least 
to the Quincy committee, to state its part in that memorable 
event of what is called the expulsion of the Mormons from 
Nauvoo, in September, 1846. The following proceedings of a 
meeting at Quincy, held at the Court House, April 23, 1846, 
will explain the convictions of our people as early as the spring 
of 1846: 

ANTL MORMON MEETING AT QUINCY. 

At a meeting of the citizens of Adams County, Illinois, held at the Court 
House in Quincy, on Thursday evening, the 23d of April, 1846, pursuant to 
previous notice. 

Archibald Williams, Esq., was appointed Chairman, and William H. 
Benneson, Esq., was appointed Secretary. 

On motion of I. N. Morris, Esq., a committee of five was appointed by 
the Chair, to draft and report resolutions expressive of the sense of this 
meeting, which committee consisted of Messrs. I. N. Morris, E. J. Phillips, 
Colonel Chittenden, R. T. Osborne, and Captain John B. Schwindler. 

The committee, having retired for a short time, returned and reported 
the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : 

Whereas, the embittered and active hostilities existing between the 
Mormons and the old citizens of Hancock and the north part of this 
county, reached such a crisis during the last fall, that it became necessary 
for the surrounding counties to interpose, in order to effect a permanent 
settlement of the difficulties. And 

Whereas, it was evident to all that nothing short of the removal of the 
Mormons from the State, would restore peace and quiet to the county. And 
whereas, the citizens of this city and vicinity, deeply impressed with the 
truth of this sentiment, and sincerely desirous of terminating the contro- 
versy existing between the contending parties appointed a committee to 
visit Nauvoo and ascertain from the Mormon leaders, or "the Twelve," their 
views and feelings in relation to removing from the State. And whereas, the 
Twelve submitted a printed proposition to said committee, that they would 
remove from the State, together with all their people as soon in the spring "as 
grass grows and water runs." And whereas, said committee reported said 
proposition to an adjourned meeting held in this city, and recommended 
its adoption. And whereas, said meeting did accept said proposition, and 
have acted upon it in good faith. And whereas, a convention of the coun- 
ties surrounding Hancock subsequently met in Carthage, pursued the same 
course, and accepted the proposition of the Mormons to leave in the spring 
and pledged themselves to "abide patiently the time appointed for their 
removal." And whereas, it has been necessary during all the intervening 
time for the Executive to keep a military force in Hancock, at a great ex- 
pense to the State, to ensure tranquillity there and to assist in the execution 
of the laws. And whereas, we are authentically informed that his Excel- 
lency will withdraw said troops from said county on the first of May. And 



167 

whereas, we are also informed from sources we deem entitled to the high- 
est credit, that it is the intention of only a part of the Mormons to remove 
this spring. And whereas, such a course would be a flagrant and manifest 
violation of their most solemn pledge, would be trifling in a most shame- 
less manner with public feeling, and disappointing public expectation at 
the very moment when we were all so firmly and anxiously expecting to 
see permanent order and tranquillity restored to the county. And 
whereas, if the Mormons, or any part of them, pursue their present in- 
tended and suicidal course of remaining in the State beyond the time 
agreed on for their removal, a most fearful and deadly strife will be marked 
by all the desolating horrors of a civil feud. And whereas, as such a state 
of things is to be deeply deplored, we deem it an imperative duty to avert 
so dreadful a calamity if possible. And whereas, the character and conduct 
of the Mormons is so well known, and the necessity of their removal so 
apparent to all, that to attempt an exposition of the one, or assign the 
reasons for the other, would be a work of supererogation, and an insult to 
the intelligence of the community. Therefore, 

1st. Resolved, That an attempt on the part of any of the Mormons to 
remain in the State after the time appointed for their removal would be a 
palpable and shameless violation of their pledge, and the consequences 
will be upon themselves. 

2d. Resolved, That nothing short of the removal from the State this 
spring of the entire people called Mormons will satisfy public feeling 
and expectation, and fulfil their engagements most solemnly entered into, 
to remove "as soon as grass grew and water run." 

3d. Resolved, That we most solemnly warn the Mormons not to heed 
the counsel of political demagogues or Jacks, as we believe they are 
governed by the basest of motives in their efforts to retain them in the 
State, and as their advice will be hereafter, if they remain, as it has been 
heretofore, "a mill stone about their necks." 

4th. Resolved, That should any part or portion of the Mormons attempt 
to remain in the State after the time expires for their removal, they will 
find, as they have always heretofore found, an overwhelming majority of 
the people against them. 

5th. Resolved, That it would be the height of madness and folly for the 
Mormons, or any portion of them, to attempt a violation of their pledge to 
remove, as such a course would with unerring certainty bring down the 
retributive vengeance of the old settlers of Hancock and the surrounding 
counties upon them, and lead to their summary expulsion from the State, 
and, we fear, to their extermination. 

Gth. Resolved, That we, the citizens of Adams county, occupy the same 
position in relation to the Mormons that we have heretofore occupied 
towards them ; and in case of a renewal of hostilities between them and 
the old citizens, they will find us "doing battle" with the latter. 

7th. Resolved, That to suffer the Mormons to remove from Hancock into 
our county would be aggravating the evil, and we warn them against doing 
so ; while we will assure those already here that Adams county is as deeply 
and sincerely desirous of getting rid of them as Hancock county is of 
getting rid of those within her limits ; and they are equally expected to re- 
move with their brethren, and save us from any further turmoil and 
difficulty. 

The resolutions were discussed by Messrs. Warren, Johnston, Jonas and 
Morris, and adopted unanimously, as already stated. 



168 

On motion of Mr. Johnston it was resolved that a copy of the proceed- 
ings be signed by the Chairman and Secretary and transmitted to the 
people of Hancock county ; and that they be also published in the news- 
papers of this city. 

And then the meeting adjourned. 

(Signed) A. Williams, Chairman. 

Wm. H. Benneson, Secretary. 

On|the 15th or 16th, I believe, of September, 1846, when our 
committee entered Nauvoo with Brockman's forces, we kept 
together for a time near the headquarters of these forces, and 
not long after we arrived at the point one or more gentlemen, 
claiming to be residents of Nauvoo, but not Mormons, stated to 
our committee that they had been threatened with expulsion by 
some of the posse under Brockman, and desired our committee 
to interpose in their behalf. Some of us went with the men to 
Brockman's headquarters and stated the complaint, but we were 
informed that their agreement or treaty had been made with the 
Mormons alone, and that nothing was said about the "Jacks," that 
they must take care of themselves. No arms were formally de- 
livered to the committee by the Mormons or others, within our 
knowledge, though I believe some were delivered to the posse. 
We, as a committee, finding ourselves entirely powerless to in- 
terfere with the purposes of those under Brockman's command 
in any way whatever. Before Brockman's army and posse, as 
it was termed, went into the city every Mormon had left. We 
did not see one. I regret that I have not the treaty before me 
as I write, but, as recollected, nothing was said in it to the effect 
that the Mormons should leave Nauvoo that day, though it was 
understood that they would leave the city soon. We witnessed 
no act of violence or disorder whilst we stayed, but finding that 
our committee could exercise no influence in any way, we left 
Nauvoo for home. We were only assured by Brockman's offi- 
cers that in respect to the Mormons the treaty should be faith- 
fully carried out, and I believe it was as to them. When we 
left, the Mormons were all over the river, at or near Montrose, 
and it was represented to us that they were in a very destitute 
condition. Our committee resolved that upon returning home 
we should at once set about collecting money, clothing and pro- 
visions to be forwarded to these people. Upon our return home 
we carried out this resolution by collecting a large sum of 
money and provisions and clothing, which was sent to them. 
The citizens of Quincy then made large contributions and did, as 
when the Mormons first came here, all they could for their relief. 



169 

Governor Ford, in a report made to the House of Representa- 
tives in relation to the difficulties in Hancock County, dated 
Springfield, December 7, 1846, among other things, speaking of 
theQuincy committee, says: * * * "At last through the in- 
tervention of an anti-Mormon committee from Quincy,the Mor- 
mons were induced to submit to such terms as the posse chose 
to dictate, which were, amongst others, that the Mormons 
should immediately give up their arms to the Quincy commit- 
tee and remove from the State. The trustees of the Mormon 
Church and their clerks were permitted to remain for the sale 
of Mormon property, and the posse were to march in unmolested 
and leave a sufficient force to guarantee the execution of their 
stipulation." In this statement the Governor was mistaken in 
saying that the Mormons were through the intervention of our 
committee induced to submit to such terms as the posse chose 
to dictate. The Quincy committee went to Nauvoo unarmed, 
taking no part in the fight. They were, however, convinced 
when they left Quincy that there could be no peace in Hancock 
County so long as the Mormons remained, but they had no part 
in fixing the terms of the treaty. Their proposition had been 
rejected by Brockman's party and posse, and they did not 
further urge their views upon either party. The Mormon 
authorities signed the treaty, no doubt wisely thinking that it 
was the best they could do. The writer then believed and now 
believes, that the Quincy committee by their intervention and, if 
you please, their wise policy, prevented the loss of many lives. 
The Brockman party were determined to march into Nauvoo. 
The Nauvoo forces, though small in numbers, were courag- 
eously desperate, and a desperate fight would have ensued. The 
overpowering forces of the posse would have insured their vic- 
tor)', but not without the loss of many men on each side, and 
perhaps the destruction of the town itself. 



CHAPTER XV. 



Some Political Anecdotes, Early Events, and Matters 

of that Nature in Which Quincy was at Least 

"A Looker-on in Venice" — Carver's Grant 

and Some Politics of Quincy. 



IHH certainly do not now here propose to write anything in a 
Py| mere partisan sense. Our first local excitement growing 
out of proposed State legislation was in March or February, 
1837. On the 27th of February, 1837, the act to establish and 
maintain a general system of internal improvements became a 
law of our State. Pending the consideration of this law, our 
Senator, Hon. O. H. Browning, opposed and spoke against it, 
whilst our Quincy member in the lower house, the Hon. James 
H. Ralston, was understood to be in favor of the law. A meet- 
ing of citizens was called by Judge Ralston's friends and was 
held in the Methodist church. But few attended this meeting, 
and after some little opposition a set of resolutions was passed 
endorsing the proposed law. No one in the meeting fully under- 
stood the magnitude of the proposition, or even dreamed that it 
would in the end, including interest, cost the State over twenty 
millions of dollars, and all of which should prove a dead loss to 
the people of the State. This extraordinary system of so-called 
internal improvements brought to our city many railroad hands, 
and during their stay here they rather unbalanced the former 
proportion of political parties. That old State debt has been 
fully paid, and though nothing is left to the State or to Quincy 
of the work done under the system but some trenches, it has 
been said that in the end the State and our city had really been 
benefited by it. I leave to my readers the task of finding out 
how. Perhaps in the end it learned us to pay our debts under 



171 

all circumstances. Of such local politics as especially affected 
us, I do not think it worth while here to go into any particulars. 
We have had the usual fate of growing cities in sometimes 
reaching results in our elections not just the fair thing, at least 
as some of us have thought at the time, but even this may turn 
out in the end to be a mistake. Our representatives in the 
Legislature have generally been honorable men. They have 
fought for us or against us on some important occasions, as we 
may now look at the effect of the laws they approved or 
opposed. As a city in a State, questions of local politics among 
us have generally been ruled by general party politics. We 
have mainly been Whigs, Democrats, Republicans, &c, as these 
names and parties have been most prominent from time to time. 
With our mixed population, perhaps this has been unavoidable. 
Happily the constitution of Illinois has been so amended against 
the spirit of special legislation, and so prohibiting the Legislature 
from fostering and encouraging the creation of State or local 
municipal debts, that it can not now hurt the people very bad, 
whatever they do or omit to do. 

The so-called institution of slavery having perished, that can 
no longer make it necessary for our general government to 
legislate in its behalf or against it. That exorbitant claim of 
State rights, which, I believe, originated and grew up under the 
jealous care of the slave-holding States for the protection of the 
institution, will no longer at least make the South, or the North, 
or the West afraid to encourage American industries or manu- 
factures. When the South was angry with the North, and 
when they of the South held that cotton was king of England, 
and that to allow her to manufacture for them whilst the free 
States of the North should be driven into non-protection, a con- 
stant struggle upon the subject became inevitable. Now the 
South is beginning to manufacture to # a large extent their own 
cotton, and soon will probably go back to her old time protective 
policy as when Calhoun was a tariff man. I may state as a fact 
that the manufacturers of Quincy are and always have been 
mainly for protection, and they and others have not so soon for- 
gotten the United States internal revenue system during the war. 
They know, too, that the very enormous amount of money now 
needed by the government to pay interest, pensions and yearly 
expenditures must be raised mainly from duties upon imports. 
Already, however, the temperance politicians are moving for 
prohibitive legislation against the manufacture of whisky. They 



172 

may not understand that the $67,000,000 raised in 1881 from the 
tax upon spirits manufactured in the United States, if their policy 
should be carried out, must be raised upon something else, as 
probably upon the land or its produce, or from both. If the 
tariff upon imports is now sufficiently high, or as some contend, 
too high, an increase of duties upon imports must amount to 
such prohibition of imports as will tend to decrease the revenue 
from imports, and thus increase the amount of revenue to be 
raised from internal taxation. Congress, no doubt, has power 
to exempt domestic spirits from taxation and to place this sixty- 
seven millions of dollars derived from the tax upon these 
domestic liquors upon the raw material of which the}' are made. 
Many people are beginning to say that if the national govern- 
ment of the United States has no right to license and protect the 
manufacture and sale of spirits in a State to the end of raising a 
revenue for its support, the reason must be the same as the old 
Southern battle cry of "State rights," State sovereignty and a 
lack of constitutional power. Indeed, they say, if the general 
government has no power to raise revenue from a tax upon 
spirits manufactured in a State, by reason of some alleged State 
rights or State sovereignty theory, has it any right to raise any 
revenue at all in any State? To say that the general govern- 
ment may license the manufacture, but the State can prohibit 
the sale, is probably bad logic and worse policy. 

The political issues and principles which have prevailed with us 
as a city since 1861 have drawn us away from many of our old time 
issues in politics. If we were all compelled to-morrow to listen to 
a repetition of the great debate held in Washington Park in 1858 
between those two great men, Lincoln and Douglas, we should 
consider it a great tax upon our patience. In 1849 Qui nc y sent 
a delegation to the great St. Louis convention to start the ball 
rolling which was to open the way for the Pacific railroad. 
Douglas presided and Benton made his great speech, but the 
convention was afraid of State sovereignty so far as to recom- 
mend that the road should start outside of State limits. Now 
we all seem to be for the improvement, at the expense of the 
United States, of the great Mississippi River as it passes through 
or along the borders of nine organized States. For many 
years, so much opposed to the doctrines of internal improve- 
ments at the hands of the United States government was the 
southern Mississippi States that they did not even ask the aid 
of Congress in erecting barriers to keep these States out of the 



173 

overflowing waters of the great river. Quincy is perhaps selfishly 
in favor of improving the navigation of the Mississippi River, 
for we had the river before we had the railroads, and it is yet 
our best friend in reserve. 

But I commenced this chapter with the intention of noting down 
some of the great political speakers we have had here since I 
have resided in Quincy, and somewhat as to what they said and 
what it was all about. This, I find, opens too large a field, and 
is more than I can perform at this time. I may remark here 
that in the United States, since the adoption of the Federal con- 
stitution, we have had but few real, lasting and important issues 
between parties and localities. The first was the question of 
State rights, coupled, as it was at first, with the slavery question. 
The slavery plank is now withdrawn. Second, the tariff, or 
duties upon imports. Third, the United States bank. Fourth, 
the question of internal improvements by the general govern- 
ment. Almost all other questions arising from time to time have 
had their day and have passed away, whilst the substance of the 
four above named remain with us, and are likely to stay with us 
in some substantial form to the end. Among the great men who 
more than once, in an early day, came here to make speeches 
was Abraham Lincoln. The first political speech I ever heard 
of his making, though I did not hear it when delivered, was 
made at the little town of Salem, in Sangamon County, as early 
as 1833 or 1834. He said: "Fellow citizens: Through the 
solicitations of some friends, I am a candidate for the Legislature. 
My speech, like an old woman's dance, will be short. I am in 
tavor of a United States bank, of a protective tariff, and for 
internal improvements at the hands of the general government." 
This, I am assured by orte who heard it, was all he said. 

Coming down to the great "hard cider, log cabin and coon 
skin campaign" of 1840, I must tell my young readers that the 
Whigs, to which party I belonged, got the hurrah upon their 
opponents for the first time. Log cabins on wheels, with coon 
skins nailed upon their sides, and a barrel of hard cider inside, 
appeared in every procession. The tin chicken cocks upon tall 
hickory poles, raised by the Democrats, were nowhere. The 
Democracy had been in power at Washington from the 4th of 
March, 1829, to the 4th of March, 1841, or for twelve years, 
and the other side were hungry for postoffices, &c. I was to be 
Register of the Land Office here, and would have been but for 
the death of General Harrison, too soon to reach us. Mr. Tyler 



174 

appointed a Democrat and went over. But General Taylor ap- 
pointed me in 1849, eight years afterwards, and when the office 
was worth nothing. 

Mr. Van Buren had succeeded General Jackson as President, 
and owing to a sort of "flush times in Alabama" and the South, 
as was alleged growing out of the great inflation of worthless 
paper money and the so-called pet bank system, Mr. Van Buren's 
land office receivers, especially in Arkansas, had become also 
inflated, and went into many wild speculations. One officer in 
particular was sent down there to look after matters, there hav- 
ing been three defaulting receivers in succession. The first and 
second had been removed, and the third had been behind in his 
returns. The government had a set of special agents and in- 
spectors who visited such offices from time to time to inspect the 
books and to see how things were getting along. Near the end 
of Mr. Van Buren's term of office the government agent that 
visited this particular land office reported to the Treasury De- 
partment that the receiver was no doubt a defaulter, but as his 
predecessors had been larger defaulters, and as that kind of a 
thing did not seem to affect a man's standing in that region, and 
as the present receiver seemed penitent and was already 
sufficiently gorged, he, the agent, recommended that he should 
be let alone, as a new appointment might bring additional loss 
to the government. This was the substance of the letter as 
published in the report of the Secretary. Whether this receiver 
was removed or not, I do not know, but the letter was "nuts to 
crack" for the Whigs in the campaign of 1840. At a big meet- 
ing in the court house in the early part of the campaign, Hon. 
O. H. Browning read this so-called extraordinary letter, and 
commented upon it as he could do in a case in point, making 
all manner of fun over it and likening it to Esop's fable of the 
fox swimming a river and getting entangled in some brambles 
where the flies lit upon him and was draining his blood, and 
when the friendly stork offered to drive the flies away the fox 
begged him not to do so, as he said these flies are already suf- 
ficiently gorged, and if now driven away a more hungry swarm 
would come and drain every remaining drop of blood from his 
veins. All this caused great merriment, and Mr. Browning 
feeling in a good way for ridiculing the administration, then pro- 
ceeded to read from a public document, I think one accompany- 
ing the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, an 
account of certain White House expenses, one of the items of 



175 

which was eighty-five dollars for privet shears. Mr. Browning 
pronounced it "privy shears," and it may have been so printed, 
but I reckon the item meant privet shears, for trimming the long 
rows of privet hedges near the White House. But the speaker 
laughingly exclaimed: "Now, what in the name of common 
sense does any man suppose the administration wanted with 
eighty-five dollars' worth of privy shears? Privy shears, indeed! 
Now, just look at this list of White House expenses." Here he 
read many other items, the prices of which seemed to us plain 
Illinois people very extravagant, indeed. By this time the whole 
audience was in a roar of laughter. We had an old citizen here 
then who listened to the speech — honest old uncle Joe Musser, 
as he was generally called, a gunsmith — and who had always 
been a Jackson man, but those "privy shears" was too much for 
him. He voted for old Tippecanoe, and never voted the Demo- 
cratic ticket again as long as he lived. 

We have had here from time to time, during different political 
campaigns, many distinguished political speakers from other 
States besides our own, as Doolittle, from Wisconsin; Colfax and 
Hendricks, from Indiana; Governor Babb and Tom Corwin, 
from Ohio; Nye, of New York; John P. Hale, from New Hamp- 
shire; James Green and Dr. McDowell, from Missouri, besides 
many others. I now find at this point that to go into any lengthy 
detail of the matter of these speakers would precipitate my 
readers into a discussion of many of the dead issues of the past, 
and to be candid, would show too strongly my individual notions 
of these men and of the respective parties they have for the 
time represented, and I am not writing for party. Of Mr. Cor- 
win I cannot, however, omit to say a word, as to his appearance 
on the speakers' stand and his manner of disposing of one of the 
subjects then being discussed all over the country. As I remem- 
ber him, he was of not more than five feet nine inches in height, 
dark complexioned and rather dark skinned, though not so dark 
as I had been led to expect from what I had read of him. 
He had been represented for a long time as one of the most 
sarcastic and funny speakers in the country. Here, however, 
he seemed very quiet and rather tame. He used one sort of 
funny, squinting and winking expression during his speech; was 
very conservative (it was in i860, I think) when he came to ar- 
gue the question as to the power of Congress to legislate for the 
government of the Territories, he said, turning his head to one 
side, and winking one eye, that he was sometimes surprised to 



176 

hear young lawyers, who ought at least to have read Black- 
stone, deny that the constitution of the United States gave full 
power to Congress to legislate for the government of the Terri- 
tories; that the 3d Section of Article IV, of the United States con- 
stution, in which it is provided that Congress shall have power 
to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respect- 
ing the Territory or other property belonging to the United 
States, gave no power to Congress to legislate against the in- 
troduction of slavery into a Territory. Corwin contended that 
according to Blackstone, "Law signifies a rule of action, and a 
rule of action was a law;" that as the constitution gave power 
to Congress to make all needful rules and and regulations re- 
specting the Territory, &c, that the meaning of the word rules, 
as above, was laws, and could meaning nothing else. I believe 
that now, since the power of Congress to legislate upon the 
subject of polygamy and all other crimes in the Territories is 
being put in practice, we are not likely to have any very narrow 
views or theories put forth against the constitutional power of 
Congress to legislate upon all needful subject for our Territories. 
I think there are few of our citizens that were here in 1848, 
during the political campaign of that year, when the Presiden- 
tial candidates were Taylor and Cass, that have forgotten Dr. 
McDowell. We had here that fall, not very long before the 
Presidential election, one of our old time great mass meetings 
in Washington Park. This great meeting was addressed at 
night by Dr. McDowell, of St. Louis, when a full moon was 
shining, making it as light as day. The crowd in attendance was 
very large, the weather pleasant, and the greatest enthusiasm 
pervaded the whole assembly. I forgot who spoke first, 
but when the time came for the Doctor, he was received with 
immense cheering, and sprang forward to the rail in front of the 
speakers' stand like a full-blooded race-horse impatient for a 
contest. Beginning at once with an apostrophe to the moon in 
her glory and speaking of the glorious people, men and women, 
all around him, he likened General Taylor to that resplendent 
luminary before him, high riding in the heaven. The Doctor's 
style was always highly poetical and enthusiastic. After 
awhile a bright meteor flashed athwart the sky in the north- 
east, and caught the Doctor's eye, when he exclaimed: "Yes, 
there goes Cass; that's the last of him." Upon this, as upon 
many other occasions in the olden times, our people had made 
arrangements for the entertainment in families of invited dis- 
tinguished guests. When Dr. McDowell arrived here the meet- 



177 

ing was in progress, and many from a distance went to the 
Quincy House or other hotels. Arrangements had been made 
that Dr. McDowell was to be entertained by Mr. Charles Mor- 
ton, whose wife had formerly resided in St. Louis and was ac- 
quainted with the Doctor there. When Mr. Morton found his 
guest on the square or park he at once invited him to make his 
house his home whilst he stayed here. McDowell accepted the 
invitation but stated that his baggage was at the Quincy House. 
Mr. Morton's colored servant boy being near was instructed to 
go to the Quincy House and ask for Dr. McDowell's baggage, 
and take it home and place it in the room to be occupied by 
the Doctor. All this was promptly done, the Doctor went with 
Mr. Morton to dinner and was made comfortable during his stay 
in Quincy. After the Doctor had left for St. Louis, the colored 
boy one day addressing Mr. Morton, said: "Mars Charlie, do 
reelect sendin' me to the Quincy House for the Doctor's bag- 
gage?" Mr. Morton said, "Yes; what of it?" The boy said, 
"O, wy, nothin'; only I thought that was curious baggage." 
"Well," said Mr. Morton, "I hope you did not meddle with Dr. 
McDowell's baggage." "O, no, sir," he said, "but his carpet- 
sack was unlocked and unfastened, and when I sot it down in 
his room, its big mouth fell wide open, and I could not help 
seein' what was in it." "Well," said Mr. Morton, "I see you 
want to tell what you saw, what was it?" "Well, sir, it 
held a big naked bowie-knife a foot and a half long, and one 
shirt collar, sir, and that was the Doctor's baggage, sir; 'pon 
my honor." Mr. Morton told the writer this story long after- 
wards, and we of course had a hearty laugh over it. I under- 
stand that the Doctor, like Mark Twain's Christopher Colombo, 
is dead now. Peace to his ashes. 

Having herein given a list of our chief executive officers from 
the beginning, I deem it proper to state in a kind of historical 
way, some of the difficulties our mayors have had to contend 
with almost from the first. Our difficulties have, however, been 
common to most other cities in our State. Municipal elections 
have generally been suffered by the substantial tax-payers to fall 
into the hands of those really least interested in the permanent 
prosperity of the city. It has been sometimes said, pending an 
election for mayor and councilmen, that this or that man, if 
elected, would favor a policy which would give large city em- 
ployment to laborers, whilst the other man would not do so, 

thus implying that it was the duty of the city government to 
12 



178 

* 

furnish employment for every nominal resident, or even every 
loafer that might come to the city in time to vote. These and 
such like implied pledges made in the name of the candidate, 
bound him, when elected, a slave to a policy which his judg- 
ment after election condemned. If has not always happened 
that the mayor thus elected could become a free man, and the 
result has not always been for the benefit of the city. Our first 
election for mayor and councilmen occurred in 1840, forty-two 
years ago. It turned upon party lines, and for many of those 
forty-two years, our municipal elections were determined by the 
strength of political parties. Once in awhile, and when our 
people seemed to weary of these party lines in our municipal 
elections, after a series of inopportune results, we went in for 
what we called a non-partisan or so-called peoples' ticket and 
elected it. I now with regret have to record as a historical fact 
that our non-partisan peoples' ticket when elected, has not al- 
ways, if ever, improved our local legislation and affairs. I do 
not forget that in the list of mayors of Quincy there occurs the 
name of John Wood, who served for several years. I feel sure 
that in respect to him, no pledges prior to his elections were ever 
given or asked as to the policy he would pursue in office. Some 
forty years ago the political parties of the day in Quincy were 
nearly equal in number. The embarrassments of our modern 
mayors in office is somewhat increased over the difficulties of 
former times in making both ends meet in financial matters. 
No doubt many other cities have like troubles. Now which- 
ever party may be in power will have the same financial ques- 
tion to meet. The mayor's office is not now a bed of roses — - 
without thorns at least. Our present limitation of the power of 
taxation, though seemingly accidental, may turn out our great- 
est protection. As a rational people, much inclined to look into 
the origin of matters and things among us, it is but natural that 
we should ask ourselves why the old party line in our politics, 
which formerly ran about through the middle, should now run 
so near to one side, making an unfair divide in favor of the 
largest side. Perhaps, owing to the large accession of Roman 
Catholic voters from Europe, the majorities have, as all know, 
fallen upon the Democratic side. On the 1st of May, 1844, the 
Whig national convention met at Baltimore and nominated for 
President, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore Freling- 
huysen, of New Jersey, for Vice-President. It is alleged as a 
fact, and I believe never disputed that not long before, there had 



179 

been a convention of Protestants at Philadelphia which organized 
what it called an "Anti-Catholic League," placing, as it was 
alleged, Mr. Frelinghuysen at its head as President. When he 
was thus presented to the country as a candidate for Vice-Presi- 
dent, the Democratic papers were not long silent in publishing the 
fact that he was also president of the "Anti-Catholic League." 
I think that I now remember not one, or at least, not more than 
one or two Catholic Whigs in Quincy who voted for Mr. Clav, 
because in voting for him they would be compelled to vote for 
Mr. Frelinghuysen also. I now refer to this little episode in 
history as probably throwing some light upon the history of the 
political parties in certain localities in the United States ever 
since. I also here suggest that it may be doubted whether if 
even Grant was President of an "Anti-Methodist League," the 
Methodists would vote for him. This nomination of Freling- 
huysen with Mr. Clay, in 1844, it is believed, lost the State of 
New York to the Whigs. Mr. Polk's majority in that State 
was only 5,106 votes. A very large French and other Catholic 
vote in the City of New York, otherwise for Clay were driven 
from him because they could not vote for Clay without also 
casting a vote for Frelinghuysen. I do not know that Mr. 
Frelinghuysen even attended the convention which appointed 
him President of that League, or that he ever accepted the 
office, or acted in any way with the "Anti-Catholic League." 
He was, as I understand, a Presbyterian as was also General 
Jackson. Polk, as I have understood, was a Methodist. His- 
torically, we now all remember that during the French Revolution 
Democracy was rather hard upon the Church, and taking a side 
glance of events then and since of the European field of politics, 
I do not see that Catholics should necessarily vote the Demo- 
cratic ticket oftener than they vote the Republican or any other 
ticket. The Bourbon Democracy of the country is credited 
with holding no unfriendly attitude towards the Roman Catho- 
lics. In this they have a perfect right to act as they please. I 
know that there are a few good Catholics who are also Repub- 
licans, and in conclusion I resist in behalf of my Democratic 
friends the idea that old Bourbon has anything to do with the 
matter. Setting out as I did with the intention to steer clear of 
mere party politics, I do not know but that some of my readers 
may at first reading feel that I have in the foregoing remarks 
stepped outside of the ropes; but to conclude in good humor, I 
I offer the following from the Detroit Free Press, with the re- 
quest that the reader may make his own application or none: 



180 

"WE MUST HAVE REFORM"— A FABLE. 

One day a Lobster, who had been beaten at Old Sledge, went over to see 
the Shark about it, and the two poor souls talked it over, wiped their eyes, 
and finally decided to call a reform convention. A call was written out, 
signed "Many Citizens," and duly posted so that all might read. When the 
hour arrived it brought the Shark, the Lobster, the Devil Fish, the Wolf, 
the Tiger, the Eagle, the Serpent, and the Alligator, and it was really 
affecting to see their tears as they shook hands and spoke of the painful 
necessity that had brought them together. 

The Shark took the chair and announced that he was a strong advocate 
of reform. He had heard of the Wolf eating sheep, and he felt that such 
things must be stopped, or the country would be lost. 

"If it's any worse to eat sheep than sailors, then I want to know it!" re- 
torted the Wolf. "Besides that, it is the Tiger who raises all this outcry 
by his misdeeds. I move you, sir, that he be reformed." 

"Gentlemen," slowly remarked the Tiger, as he rose up, "I've been 
maliciously slandered. I'm a peaceful, law-abiding citizen, and I think it 
too bad that every murder committed by the Devil Fish should be laid at 
my door. I hope he will reform." 

"Mr. Chairman, I'm astonished," remarked the Devil Fish, as he took 
the floor. "I suppose you all know me to be one of the humblest, feeblest 
creatures in the world. I wouldn't hurt anybody for a cent, but it is the 
Alligator and his doings which has made this convention necessary." 

"That's another !" exclaimed the Alligator, as he left his chair. "For 
years past I have borne the odium of crimes committed by the Eagle, and 
I'll be hanged if I stand it any longer ! Reform must begin with the 
Eagle." 

"I rise to say," explained the Eagle, "that I look so much like the Ser- 
pent that he shoulders his misdeeds off on my back. I hope the conven- 
tion will hurt his feelings as he has hurt mine." 

"Well, now, but I am surprised," observed the Serpent. "The wicked 
Lobster has so managed that I must suffer for his crimes. He comes on 
shore, kills an ox or a horse, directs the finger of suspicion at me, and 
then hustles back to his water home and is safe. Gentlemen, I ask to be 
set aright in the eyes of the world." 

The Lobster arose, heaved a deep sigh as he looked around, and then 
said: 

"If the Fish Worm had been invited to this convention I should have 
had a chance to clear myself, by charging him with having committed 
crime in my name. Under the circumstances, I move that we adopt a 
resolution to the effect that that the Hare must be hung for highway rob- 
bery, and then adjourn." 

Moral : Never begin a reform at home. 

As appertaining to early discoveries and movements upon the 
upper Mississippi River, I note here what I had before forgotten, 
that Captain Jonathan Carver, a descendant of John Carver, the 
first Governor of Plymouth Colony, arrived in Mackinaw (then 
the outlying British post) from Boston in August, 1767. Some 
weeks thereafter, accompanied by friendly Indian guides, he 
started for the Mississippi River, coming down the Wisconsin 



181 

River to its junction with the Mississippi, reaching it nearly one 
hundred years after Marquette had been there, and about thirty- 
seven vears before Pike's trip up to the Falls. Carver, turning 
up the river with his birch canoes, made his way against the 
current up to and beyond the Falls of St. Anthony. He was of 
course a British subject, and, it is alleged, went upon his expe- 
dition under the patronage and friendship of the officers of the 
crown, and, it is claimed, that he made a treaty with the 
Dakotas in behalf of the king of Great Britain. Captain Carver 
claimed that he had received a deed or grant, called Carver's 
grant from the Indians for an immense tract of country, embrac- 
ing what is now the best part of Central Minnesota, which deed 
was lost. He died in England in 1780. In 1822 his descendants 
appealed to Congress for a confirmation of a grant of land from 
certain Indians, &c. The claim, after consideration, was dis- 
allowed. One of our old citizens, Willard Keyes, Esq., in- 
formed me that he had in early times been written to by a cler- 
gyman of the Church of England, who was of, or claimed to 
represent the descendants in England of Jonathan Carver, upon 
the subject ot Carver's grant. Mr. Keyes, I think, understood 
the history and origin of the claim from letters in his possession 
better than any one in this country. He seemed to think the 
claim meritorious. But since the decisive rejection of the claim 
by Congress, Carver's grant may be considered dead. I have 
mentioned this expedition of Jonathan Carver up to St. Anthony's 
Falls as early as 1768, as an important event in the history of 
the great river at our feet, and I would not have our people to 
forget any part of its history. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



Concerning Business Men and Some Other Matters from 

1867 to 1870 and up to 1880 — And, in Fart, 

Quincy as She Is — Churches, &c. 



?HE period from 1867 to 1870, and substantially from 1870 
to 1880, will bring us to this concluding chapter. I have 
given a short or bird's-eye view of business in Quincy in 1867, 
and at first passing over the period from that date to the year 
1870 and thence to the present time, substantially embracing a 
period of thirteen years. We had among us some ten years ago 
a number of men of to-day, but many of those, like their prede- 
cessors, and even some of their successors, have gone. Like 
the Arabs, folded their tents for greener pastures — not found. 
Indeed, since my first residence in Quincy, forty-eight years ago, 
so many of the men here with whom the writer was in friendly 
acquaintance have died, that it sometimes looks to me as if life 
itself had been a stupendous joke, and that omnipotent death 
was after all our surest and perhaps our best friend. It is not 
my expectation to try to mention the names of all our people 
here in business within even the last ten years, but only such as 
I may remember or find by consulting our ordinary or special 
advertising mediums, deeming it proper, however, to state here 
that I do not believe the changes in business men, or by the fiat 
of death, has been greater here than in other like communities. 
In my first chapter — "An Outline of Quincy as She is Now"^ 
which probably should be our last, I have made somewhat 
mention of some of our present business men. In this, intended 
as my closing chapter, I make mention, by a simple record of 
names, those I remember here thirteen years ago, as follows: 

L. & C. H. Bull, bankers; T. Butter worth, agricultural depot ; 
Bartlett & Co., grocers 333; Bradley & Jocelyn, commission 



183 

merchants; J. M. D. Bartlett, newsdealer, books, &c; Robert 
Bunce, architect; Bagby & Wood, Castle Mills; Bertschinger 
& Steinwedell, hardware merchants; Brown & Pope, boots and 
shoes; Comstock, Castle & Co., stove works; Eagle Mills; 
Excelsior Stove Works; Gardner & Robertson, hardware; J. 
F. Hug, bath rooms; Hargis & Sommer, Star Nursery; Harris, 
Beebe & Co., Empire Tobacco Works; M. Jacobs, clothing 
merchant; Joseph & Nelke, dry goods merchants; S.J. Lesem, 
Bro. &Co., wholesale dry goods house; J. D. Levy & Co., whole- 
sale clothing store ; F. W. Jansen & Son, furniture manufacturers ; 
Ladd & Talcott, wholesale notions; Montgomery & Co., whole- 
sale drug house; George A. Miller, druggist; Louis Pfau, 
tinner; William Osborn, grocery store; John Potter, wooden 
ware worker; George R. Pfeiffer, music dealer; Pope & Bald- 
win, agricultural implements; W. T. & E. A. Rogers, manufac- 
turers of wagons, plows, &c. ; S. T. Sinnock & Co., Quincy 
Nursery; H. Schrceder, drug store; J. M. Smith & Co., agri- 
cultural warehouse; J. M. Smith & Co., pork packers and com- 
mission merchants; W. M. Robertson, marble works; Ricker & 
Co., bankers; Smith, Hayner & Co., Eagle Foundry; Peter & 
Waddell, hatters; H. Ridder & Co., crockery house; H. Witte 
& Co., packing house; J.Williams & Co., City Foundry and 
Machine Shop; Thomas White, Quincy Stove Foundry; L. D. 
White, stove dealer, &c. ; Wheeler, Andrews & Co., grocers; 
E. C. Whitmore & Co., City Mills; T. D. Woodruff; music 
dealer; T. T. Woodruff, banker; William L. A. Kolker, grocery 
and liquor house; Jacob Metz, harness, &c; A. Lichteberger& 
Co., liquor house; Coolidge & Wells, canned fruit establish- 
ment; E. M. Miller & Co., carriage manufacturers; D. E. 
Lynds, white lead, varnishes, oil, &c. ; Morphy & Charles, paper 
bag manufacturers; Rosenheim & Stern, boots, shoes, &c. ; 
W.J. Mellon, school furniture ; Letton & Viberts, painters ; Wayne 
Brothers, carriage manufacturers; C. Haubach, upholsterer; 
George J. Laage, hat and cap house; Wheeler & Stewart, dry 
goods; N. G. Pearson, hair jewelry; Folger & Robinson, en- 
gravers; R. B. Lord, spring beds; Ladd & Byerly, dry goods; 
H. A. Williamson, commission merchant; Simmons' Sash Sup- 
porters; Max Rau, merchant tailor; John Potter, manufacturer, 
&c. ; William Harvey, agent Empire Line. 

Besides these names of men and firms, we had in 1870, no 
doubt, many more of what may be called business men here, 
(perhaps more in number than those named,) and many of those 



184 

mentioned, and many not mentioned, are still here, but more 
than thirty of those named above are either dead, gone away, 
or are no longer in business here, whilst many have come in 
since 1870 to fill up the ranks and even to increase the number. 
Perhaps I should say something of our churches. The fol- 
lowing are their names and locations: 

EPISCOPAL. 

St. John's Cathedral, corner Hampshire and Seventh streets. 
Church of the Good Shepherd, Twelfth street, between Maine 
and Hampshire streets. 

St. Alban's Chapel, near Highland addition, on Spruce street. 

EOMAN CATHOLIC. 

St. Boniface Church, corner Maine and Seventh streets — the 
oldest. 

St. Peter's Church, corner Maine and Eighth streets. 

St. Francis' Church, Vine street, between Eighteenth and 
Twentieth streets. 

St. Mary's Church, corner Seventh and Adams streets. 

St. Joseph's Church, corner Seventh and Jersey streets. 

St. John's Church, Spruce street, between Tenth and Eleventh 
streets. 

St. Aloysius' Chapel, corner Vine and Twentieth streets. 

PRESBYTERIAN. 

First Presbyterian Church, corner Broadway and Eighth 
streets. 

Spruce Street Chapel, corner Spruce and Seventh streets, 

LUTHERAN AND EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN. 

Salem Church, corner State and Ninth streets. 
St. Jacob's Church, corner Washington and Eighth streets. 
Zion, Ninth street, between Ohio street and Payson avenue. 
St. John's Church, Seventh street, between York and Ken- 
tucky streets. 

St. Peter's Church, corner Ninth and Kentucky streets. 

HEBREW OR ISRAELITE. 

Ninth Street Temple, Ninth street, between Broadway and 
Spring streets. 

CONGREGATIONAL. 

Union Congregational Church, corner Maine and Twelfth 
streets — perhaps the best in the city. 



185 

BAPTIST. 

First Baptist Church, corner Jersey and Fourth streets. 
Vermont Street Baptist Church, corner Vermont and Seventh 
streets. 

Spruce Street Chapel, corner Spruce and Fifth streets. 
First Colored Baptist Church, corner Eighth and Jersey streets. 

CHRISTIAN. 

Christian Church, corner Ninth street and Broadway. 

METHODIST EPISCOPAL. 

Vermont Street M. E. Church, corner Vermont and Eighth 
streets. 

Trinity M. E. Church, corner Jersey and Fifth streets. 

German M. E. Church, Jersey street, between Fifth and Sixth 
streets. 

Mission Chapel, corner Jefferson and Twelfth streets. 

Artus Chapel, corner Hampshire and Twentieth streets. 

African M. E. Church, Oak street, between Ninth and Tenth 
streets. 

UNITARIAN. 

Unitarian Church, or Second Congregational, Maine street, 
between Sixth and Seventh streets. 

It may be stated that the total value of church edifice property 
in Quincy is now estimated at not less than $1,000,000, and if 
taxed at the rate of 5 per cent, would produce the amount of 
$50,000; or if taxed at the rate of 2 l / 2 per cent, the tax would 
amount to $25,000 per annum. We do not recommend this 
taxation. 

CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 

First, St. Mary's Hospital. 

Second, the Widows' and Orphans' Home. 

Third, Blessing Hospital and Sarah Denman Hospital. 

Fourth, Orphans' Home, Vine street. 

Fifth, the Lindsay Church Home. 

Next to religion in civilized communities comes learning or 
education. Perhaps one of the best features of our times, 
especially in the United States, is our attempts to extend the ad- 
vantages of education to all classes of our people. Of the schools 
and process of learning existing in the world up to and prior to 
the days of Constantine the Great, and especially as regarded 
the masses of the people, we know but little. Certainly nothing 



186 
worthy of imitation. After the world became Christian, or at 
least our world, both education and religion fell into the hands 
of the priests. They did their work well, or at least partially 
well, within a limited sphere. There was for long periods of 
time no important divisions in the religious, or at least Christian 
world, and when afterwards divisions came, those who fell into 
new ideas were cut oft as sects. In those times the word sect, 
in the language in use by Shakspeare, meant a cutting, as in 
the use of the word sect by gardeners. In the language of 
Granville, the word sectarian was defined simply as belonging to 
sectaries. Sectarianis?n, in the language of King Charles I., 
meant a disposition to petty sects in opposition to things estab- 
lished. The word sectary, according to Lord Bacon, meant one 
who divides from public establishment and joins with those dis- 
tinguished by some particular whims. The Roman Catholic 
Church has, from her standpoint, consistently always held that 
all religious bodies outside of her communion were not only sects, 
but to some extent schismatics. The constitution of the United 
States prohibits the establishment by the State of any religion. 
Our own laws in effect declare all who have any distinctive views 
or doctrines, or who adhere to any particular name or organiza- 
tion or system of doctrines, sectarians. In other words, in a 
general or legal sense all who believe anything in a religious 
way are sects or sectarians, or at least have no rights in law 
above all others. I do not mean to argue or say that there is no 
Catholic or Protestant Church; in fact, our laws, like some of 
the border States during the rebellion, are "neutral, sir," upon 
that subject. This necessarily makes our common schools un- 
sectarian, leaving religion to be learned or taught at home, or 
by the religious teacher each parent or guardian may prefer. 
If there ever was a time when the Church alone had exclusive 
authority to teach all learning, that time in this country has 
forever past, and we have by the laws of necessity come to our 
common school system as applicable to the masses of our people. 
I do not propose to step in between those who are by law en- 
trusted with the management of our common schools and the 
communities they represent, but earnestly invoke the kindly aid 
of all men in their behalf. 

Quincy is not, however, without other institutions of learning 
outside of her common schools. There is not now, nor should 
there perhaps ever be, any law compelling people to send their 
children to the common schools, if they prefer to send them to 
other schools of their choice. 



187 

Our colleges are those of St. Francis, on Vine street, and 
Chaddock College, corner of State and Twelfth streets. These 
two institutions are colleges proper, whilst besides our High 
School we have St. Boniface's large school, corner of Seventh 
and Hampshire streets, St. Mary's Institute, on Eighth street, 
and our Commercial School or College, on Maine street. There 
are a number of private schools in the city. So that we are 
not without schools and institutions of learning, fully up to our 
reasonable needs and demands. Though many of our young 
men seeking a higher plane of education and better oysters and 
things, go off to Harvard or Yale or even Heidelberg or Ox- 
ford — though we dare not say that some of them "didn't learn 
a hooter," as was said by one of our early inhabitants about his 
daughter Lizzie, who went to our first common school for three 
days: 

But, gentle reader, I must not omit to mention, that besides 
our churches and schools we have something else. The thun- 
dering car of progress, as it hurried down the ages, passed our 
station and left with us numerous societies for the amelioration 
of mankind. Of these open societies, not secret, I do not pro- 
pose to speak, because the public, from the nature of their ob- 
jects, and especially the money side, have never been long 
ignorant of either their needs or transactions. But of our secret 
societies, I must not do Quincy the injustice of at least not men- 
tioning them, or such of them as we read about in our papers. 
Our first secret society was Bodley Lodge No. 97, of Free and 
Accepted Masons, deriving its first charter and dispensation 
from the Grand Lodge of Kentucky. The petition for the or- 
ganization of this lodge was forwarded in 1835, anc ^ tne lodge 
here was first installed by Henry H. Snow, Esq., in 1835, or 
probably not till 1836. The petitioners for the first dispensation 
were John Wood, Daniel Harrison, Joseph N. Ralston, Samuel 
W. Rogers, Hiram Rogers, Samuel Alexander, Daniel Whipple, 
Henry Asbury, and several others whose names are not now 
before me. They are all dead but the writer. Before the final 
charter was issued a number of other names were added to the 
petition, and thus became charter members. The installation 
ceremonies were held in the office of Dr. Ralston on Maine 
street. When the Grand Lodge of Illinois was afterwards or- 
ganized, our number of 97 of the Grand Lodge of Kentucky 
was changed to No. 1, of the Grand Lodge of Illinois. Bodley 
Lodge No.' 1, of Quincy, is thus historically, the oldest of the 



188 

present lodges of the State, and is the parent lodge of the other 
lodges here now. I have mentioned these names of the original 
petitioners to the end that our readers may know what sort of 
of men it was that organized here this first secret society. Be- 
sides the several Blue Lodges here (so-called, 1 think, from their 
colors worn in procession) we have several Royal Arch Chapters 
and one or more encampments of Knights Templar. 

In the Quincy Whig, of May 15th, 1877, appeared the follow- 
ing article, intended to be a little funny and sarcastic, which was 
furnished by the writer. But my readers must not suppose I 
intended anything obnoxious to our side : 

YES, WE ARE PROGRESSING. 
To the Editor of The Whig: We are within twenty-three years of the 
end of the nineteenth century, a century which has and is developing 
great real progress among men. It is said that perhaps before the end of 
this, the greatest century in the tide of time, mankind will have so far 
progressed as to be fully able to comprehend and explain the very origin 
of matter itself, and its laws. In this case we shall be as gods; not 
only "knowing good and evil," but shall be able to explain what we call 
the creation. It is said that our present generation has a great want of 
credulity or capacity for easiness of belief, in the so-called supernatural, 
and that we even hold too lightly systems of morals, alleged to be founded 
upon religions, claiming that the kind of morals will depend upon the 
kind of religion— different religions producing different morals. Of the 
progress of our century on what we call arts, sciences, and discoveries, 
there is none to deny. But if we should come to a definite understanding 
with ourselves concerning our views upon what we call religion and 
morals, and the so-called supernatural, pro and con, we should probably 
find very little to boast of, upon the score of progress. The Frenchman, 
you know, said of America : "Mon Dieu! what a country ! A hundred re- 
ligions and but one gravy." 

To say nothing of our churches and religious denominations, Jew and 
Gentile, right here among us in Quincy, let us turn our attention to what 
are called secret societies, we have first, Free Masons; second, Knights Tem- 
plar; third, Druids; fourth, Knights of Pythias; fifth, the Heptasophs; 
sixth, The Ancient Order of United Workmen; seventh, The Harugari; 
eighth, The Knights of Malta; ninth, The Odd Fellows; tenth, The Order 
of the Red Men; The Union League, Sons of Liberty, The Grand Army of 
the Republic, The Sons of Temperance, The Moulders' Union, and at least 
a half a dozen others. Now every man belonging to but one of these or- 
ders, or societies, will, no doubt, tell you, if he speaks candidly, that all the 
rest are humbugs. The fact that such diverse organizations can exist at 
all in this enlightened century is a surprise to all men except as to the one 
or more of such societies to which the man who thinks about it belongs 
himself. Yet we live in an enlightened and progressive age. We are dis- 1 
carding the supernatural and mysterious, we are told. Just look at that 
young man, for the first time in uniform, on parade with his society. Per- 
haps he wears white gloves and apron, perhaps he wears a purple velvet 
collar with golden stars upon it, or perhaps in a hurry to appear in uni- 



189 

form he exhibits his shirt outside of his breeches. In either case he 
marches with a firm and military step, maintaining a solemn look and a 
steadiness of demeanor truly wonderful. Perhaps another carries a stick 
with a half moon on the end of it. If so he is a Druid sure. Perhaps an- 
other wears'a sword, plume and sash and isthe warrior all over, but, never 
mind; neither he nor another will hurt you. It all only means that "the 
boys are marching." Our philosophical century demands progress, you 
know, and here it is. 

The reader must not understand that I am objecting to any- 
thing. No doubt all these organizations are very good for those 
who like them and that sort of thing. 

Perhaps the most important concern of Quincy now is our city 
debt. The writer would not feel himself excused if he passed 
by this question without note or comment. I resided here be- 
fore Quincy had any debt, railroads, gas works, water works, 
fire department, a police system, or even expensive common 
schools, and almost no taxes. But those were the days of small 
things. As late as April, 1846, or thirty-six years ago, one of 
our city papers charged against the Whigs as follows: 
LARGE CITY DEBT. 

The actual debt of the City of Quincy, according to the published report, 
is $26,000.48 ! ! To meet this enormous debt, the city has owing to it some 
$6,810.55 in vouchers to be cancelled, old debts, good, bad and indifferent. 
The Whig board has inceased this debt during the last year, and if kept in 
office, ivill continue to increase it. Are the people willing to sanction an in- 
crease of city indebtedness by electing "the same class of men" who have so 
mismanaged the affairs of the city from the beginning — and who were the 
"class" that first created this debt ?" 

In the same number of the paper it is stated, as taken from 
the report made to the City Council for that year that the ex- 
penses of the city government for the year were $1,228.47, ex- 
cepting aldermen, i. e. t their two dollars per sitting. Our debt 
then had been nearly all contracted for grading of streets and 
city improvements. John Wood was mayor for 1845 and 1846. 
In 1845, a majority of the six aldermen were Whigs; in 1846, 
there were three of each party in the Council. The "gazelle" 
in the form of railroad debt had not yet come in. 

It is not my intention to go over in detail the origin of our 
corporation city debt. I have had my share, pro and con, in 
that behalf, in common with our people ad nauseam, but gener- 
ally I have had my opinions upon most subjects. Many of these 
opinions I have from time to time been compelled to change. 
Perhaps I and some others are a little like the old fellow in the 
comic almanac who, being charged toll upon the first turnpike 



190 

road he ever saw, declared himself "an enemy to turnpikes." I 
do like to go back upon our pathway as a town and city to the 
time when we were not seriously in debt. In reference to April, 
1848, we find the annual statement of the affairs of the City of 
Quincy, for the fiscal year ending April 1, 1848: 

RECEIPTS. 

$ 19 00 

6 00 

192 00 

800 00 

417 88 

882 12 

175 09 

(shows) 165 00 

Market House Ill 50 

Wharfage 1,147 31 

Tax Book 6,271 17 

Fines and Penalties 3 00 

Nuisance Account — cash received for lots filled up by the city... 358 98 



Drav License 


Cart 


Wagon " 


Grocery " 


Beer " 


Store 


Auction " 


General " 



Total Revenue 5,551 68 

To Balance, April 1, 1848 25,395 04 



$34,946 72 
EXPENDITURES. 

Quincy Cemetery $ 35 25 

Old Cemetery 29 00 

Fire Department 258 88 

Exchange Account 1 00 

Public Wells 6 00 

Public Landing 635 65 

Dog Account 36 00 

Expense Account — including salaries, &c 1,547 86 

Commission Account for collecting taxes 161 78 

Public Square 8 20 

Poor House 1,142 46 

Road Appropriations 2,600 00 

Public Schools — for erecting school houses, salaries, &c 2,841 48 

Quincy Ferry 4,991 59 

[There has been paid for repairing ferryboat, $1,223.72.] 

Interest Account 1,498 90 

Total Expenditures 15,783 89 

By Balance, April 1, 1847 19,462 83 

$34,946 72 



191 

Resources and liabilities of the City of Quincy, April i, 1848: 
RESOURCES. 

K. F. Edgell $ 37 25 

W. A.Adams 3 08 

John Reed 8 75 

George Wood 2 50 

W. M. Naylor 6 00 

L. S. Parsons 15 18 

H. Rogers, (Treasurer) 6,807 02 

H. H. Snow, " 2 38 

D. G. Whitney 84 19 

Towhead 144 90 

Sidewalk 553 64 

Tax Titles 595 67 

Bills Receivable 505 67 

City Marshal 175 42 

Real Estate 39 70 

Cash 68 64 

City of Quincy balance 25,395 04 

$34,545 03 
LIABILITIES. 

Bills Payable $24,985 09 

Treasury Orders 246 92 

Vouchers 9,132 60 

Vouchers, new 5 00 

Tax Book 175 42 



$ 34,545 03 
H. H. Snow, City Clerk. 

I find in the Whig of October 4, 1870, the following: 

The following is the Comptroller's report to the 30th of September, 1870. 
It was received and ordered on file : 



APPROPRIATIONS. 



Contingent 

Cemeteries and Squares 

Fire Department 

Gas 

Markets 

Police 

Printing, &c 

Paupers 

Rents 

Salaries and Commissions. 

Streets 

Work-house 

Assessors 

Public Cisterns 

Fines and Penalties 

Elections 

Scavengers 

Nuisance 

Interest 

Loans and Discounts 

Ordinance Revision 



Total. 



Total expendi- 
tures to date. 



1.149 30 
16 00 

5,959 00 

5,874 21 

260 80 

7,177 10 

1,232 10 

3,846 12 

390 00 

3,075 35 

14,928 23 

3,037 45 

1.150 00 
271 00 

317 00 

1,107 90 

377 35 

12,000 00 



$ 62,168 91 



Amount of Ap' 
propriation. 



$ 3,376 00 

100 00 

14,000 00 

12,000 00 

300 00 

13,800 00 

2,000 00 

8,000 00 

1,175 00 

8,500 00 

20,550 00 

4,000 00 

1,250 00 

400 00 

500 00 

317 00 

1,250 00 

500 00 

13,798 00 

24,000 00 

1,500 00 



$131,316 00 



Balance unex- 
pended. 



2,226 70 
84 00 

8,041 00 

6,125 79 
39 20 

6,622 90 
767 90 

4.153 88 
'785 00 

5,424 65 

5,621 77 
962 55 
100 00 
129 00 
500 00 

142 10 

122 65 

13,798 00 

12,000 00 

1,500 00 



Total expended to date. 
Balance unexpended 



Total appropriations. 



$ 69,147 09 

62,168 91 

69,147 09 

$131,316 00 



192 

Mayor's Office, Quincy, October 3, 1870. 
To the Honorable City Council of the City of Quincy : 

Gentlemen : — The act of the Legislature approved April 16, 1869, which 
returns to such cities as have created a railroad debt, all the State tax 
arising from railroad property in such city, as well as the entire excess of 
taxation on a valuation over the assessment value of the year 1868, enables 
the City of Quincy to realize an important sum to apply toward the pay- 
ment of interest on such bonds as have been issued in exchange for old 
railroad bonds. 

To realize the benefit of this law it is necessary that said bonds be regis- 
tered in form as prescribed by the law, in the Auditor's office at Springfield. 

I visited Springfield on the 8th ultimo, for the purpose of ascertaining 
what was required to be done in the premises, and have prepaid and for- 
warded to the Auditor's office a general certificate covering all such bonds 
as have been issued prior to the 17th ultimo, under the act of February 
13th, 1865, replacing our old railroad indebtedness. 

The State Auditor reports the certificate satisfactory, and that all bonds 
mentioned therein are now subject to registration. Under the certificates 
now on file, $131,500 of new bonds have been registered under the law of 
1869, at the cost of $1 per certificate ; and hereafter all bonds mentioned 
in the general certificate, a copy of which is on file in the Clerk's office, 
can be registered from time to time, as they may be accessible or as it may 
be deemed expedient, while all new issues on account of railroad indebt- 
edness taken up, should be registered before delivery with the proper ac- 
companying certificate. 

The examination necessary in preparing the general certificate showed, 
that of the bonds issued under the act of February 13, 1865, by the City of 
Quincy, there were, up to date (September 17, 1870,) exchanged for North- 
ern Cross and Quincy and Palmyra bonds the following : 

30 year $1,000 bonds issued from July 1, 1866, to July 1, 1869 $ 359,000 

20 " " " " " " " " " 327,000 

20 " $500 " " " " " " " 6,000 

20 ," $100 " " " " " " " 3,700 

Total $695,700 

I may mention here, as a matter of information, that, under the act of 
1865, there had been Quincy City bonds registered, in the Auditor's office 
up to the 8th ultimo, to the amount of $1,059,500. 

There now remains outstanding of the old bonded indebtedness of 
Quincy issued on account of subscriptions to railroads : 

Northern Cross R. R. Bonds of 1st issue $45,000 

" " " " 2d " 7,000 

3d " 16,000 

Quincy & Palmyra " 7,000 

Total $69,000 

Respectfully submitted, J. G. Rowland, Mayor. 

The following resolution was offered by Alderman Wheat and unani- 
mously adopted: 

Resolved, That the Mayor be authorized to take such steps as to him 
seems best to obtain the registration in the office of the Auditor of State, of 
all bonds heretofore issued by the city. 



193 

Coming down to our own times, we are brought up standing, 
as it were, by the well written report of a committee of the 
Board of Commerce and published in the Daily Quincy Whig 
of the 17th of November, 1880. I publish this report in my 
book as representing the very respectable and influential parties 
to it. But in thus perpetuating it in this form, I am not to be 
understood as endorsing its perfect accuracy, not having ex- 
amined all the facts, and especially all the decisions of the courts 
referred to therein. Perhaps the general reader would not have 
read the decisions of the courts in law reports, even if special 
references had been given in the report following: 

The Committee on Municipal Affairs, of which Mr. Lorenzo Bull is 
Chairman, made the following report : 

The undersigned, a committee appointed by the Board of Commerce to 
prepare and present full information as to our city debt, and to suggest a 
plan for providing for the refunding of all that portion which is now over- 
due, or which can be advantageously refunded, beg leave to report as 
follows : 

They have carefully investigated the outstanding indebtedness of the 
City of Quincy, and find that besides amounts due upon outstanding con- 
tracts and for current expenses of the municipal government, which 
amounts can probably be met dining the year from taxes and other sources 
of revenue, the debt of the city consists : 

First — Of bonds known as registered bonds, by which is meant bonds 
issued by the city government under the authority of the acts of the State 
Legislature, approved February 13, 1865, and March 30, 1871, which bonds 
are registered in the office of the Auditor of Public Accounts at Springfield, 
and the taxes for the payment of interest and principal as it matures are 
levied and disbursed by State officers under State authority, without any 
co-operation or interference on the part of the city government. 

These bonds all bear interest at the rate of 6 per cent per annum, payable 
annually on the first day of July in each year,and amount in the aggregate 
to $1,640,500; say, one million, six hundred and forty thousand and five 
hundred dollars. 

Thev fall due as follows : 

July 1,1886 $ 184,000 

July 1,1887 13,800 

July 1,1888 209,800 

July 1,1889 23,900 

July 1,1890 262,700 

July 1,1891 252,700 

July 1,1892 15,600 

July 1,1896 16,000 

July 1,1897 276,000 

July 1,1898 351,000 

July 1,1899 35,000 

Total $1,640,500 

13 



194 

The validity of the acts under which these bonds were issued has been 
repeatedly affirmed by various courts in this State, including the Supreme 
Court, and the validity of the bonds has also been in like manner affirmed, 
so that no doubt exists among lawyers that these bonds are a tegal and in- 
contestible obligation against the city, and payment can be enforced in any 
court having competent jurisdiction. It is well understood, although pub- 
lication of the fact has been withheld, that the recent opinion of Messrs. 
Lawrence, Campbell & Lawrence, for which the city has just paid a large 
fee, is to the effect that the registered bonds of the city are valid and col- 
lectible obligations. 

It is true that application was made to the Circuit Court of this county at 
its spring term, 1880, for an injunction to restrain the collection of taxes 
for the payment of interest on these bonds, but the injunction was 
promptly refused by Judge Williams, and the validity of the bonds 
affirmed. The case was appealed, but if ever prosecuted to a decision in a 
higher court must meet with the same result, as the law of the case has 
been definitely and finally settled by the highest judicial tribunals. 

This, then, is the condition of our registered bonded debt : We owe 
$1,640,500, no part of the principal of which is now due, or will become 
due until July 1st, 1886, when $184,000 will mature. We have no payment 
of principal to make until that date, but what we ought to do at once in 
our own interest is so to strengthen and improve our credit that when that 
time comes we shall be able to refund all that we are not able to pay at the 
lowest rate of interest which may then be obtainable by any municipality. 
The difference of cost will be enormous, whether we come to the time of 
the maturity of these bonds, with high and untarnished financial credit, or 
whether our municipal honor is smirched with the taint of dishonesty and 
repudiation, or even of mismanagement. The city of New York has re- 
cently sold its refunding 4 per cent bonds at 5f per cent premium, while 
the 6 per cent bonds of the city of Quincy cannot be sold in the same city 
at a higher price than from 15 to 20 per cent discount. Yet the debt of 
the city of Quincy is for each citizen only about half the amount of the 
debt of New York, and Quincy bonds are as certain to be paid, both prin- 
cipal and interest, as the bonds of the city of New York ; but we have re- 
pudiators among us who are unwise enough to wish to defy and harass our 
creditors, and our bonds may only be paid at the end of a lawsuit. 

Let us suppose that the management of our city affairs had been honest 
and capable, that our credit was untainted by repudiation and unimpaired 
by any discreditable acts, might it not then be reasonably expected that 
our bonds would sell as high as those of any other municipality. If our 
registered bonds were due it might then be possible to do what New York 
has just done — that is, replace our 6 per cent bonds with a 4 per cent bond. 
If this was done, the saving by the reduction of interest alone would be 
$32,810 every year, and if the bonds were sold at the same premium as 
those of New York city, the amount of premium realized would be suf- 
ficient to reduce the principal of the debt by the large sum of $92,250. 

It is by such statements and facts as these that some idea can be gained 
of the fearful cost of attempted repudiation and of the discredit which 
attaches wherever a dishonest public sentiment and incapable municipal 
management prevails. 

Is it not time that in view of the cost we recognize the folly of our 
course ? If we are not honest from principle, let us be honest from policy 



195 

and because we must. We can not escape a dollar of our obligations, but 
we can greatly diminish their burden, if we are wise enough not to dis- 
credit and disgrace ourselves. 

Second — The next item of city indebtedness is in the form of bonds 
known as "Debt Funding Bonds." These bonds are not registered. They 
bear 8 per cent per annum interest and amount in all to $131,300. Of this 
amount there is now overdue and unpaid $122,000, and most of the remain- 
der falls due on the 1st of January next. There will also be due on the 
1st of January next, for overdue and unpaid interest on these bonds, the 
sum of $24,256, making the total principal and interest of these bonds (all 
excepting $1,400), either part due or to become due on the 1st of January 
next, $155,556. To this is to be added the amount of overdue and unpaid 
interest on the bonds known as the M. & M. bonds (more particularly re- 
ferred to hereafter) amounting to $18,000 ; add to this interest on unpaid 
coupons since maturity and costs of suits estimated at $4,384, and we have 
a total of immediate pressing cash liabilities of about $178,000. 

A large portion of this is already in suit and will probably be in judg- 
ments within the next three months, and the payment of the judgments 
will be enforced by peremptory mandamus requiring the immediate levy 
of taxes to pay the whole amount in cash. The rate of taxation required 
for this purpose alone will be, in addition to all other taxes, about 3 per 
cent on all the real and personal property in the city. 

The payment of this large sum at this time must obviously be very bur- 
densome and prejudicial, and is wholly unnecessary, unless it shall become 
compulsory through the action of the courts by reason of negligence of the 
City Council and the citizens to provide for the emergency. 

The only method by which the necessity of this large levy of burden- 
some taxes can be avoided is by providing at once for the refunding of 
these bonds and accrued interest, to the satisfaction of creditors, under the 
provisions of existing State laws enacted for the purpose. 

The refunding operation is an easy one, the details for which are pre- 
scribed by the laws, and it is not necessary here to give the particulars. It 
requires a vote of the people, and is the same operation which the town- 
ships of Mendon and Keene, in this county, have just carried through, 
most honorably and creditably to the people, and with a large saving of 
annual interest. 

There is no reason to doubt that this refunding can be done at once upon 
favorable terms, if the Council would give the measure the prompt atten- 
tion its importance demands and act before judgments are obtained and 
the patience of the creditors exhausted. Some steps in the right direc- 
tion have been taken, but nothing useful has been accomplished. Instead 
of prompt and decisive action, the subject is trifled with and postponed 
from one meeting to another. 

A portion pf the Council appear determined to question the validity of 
the bonds and resist payment altogether. The result of such action, if it 
should prove influential, must be to involve us deeper and deeper in the 
disgrace of attempted but unsuccessful repudiation and to add largely to 
our financial burdens. 

There is no more just obligations outstanding against the city of Quincy 
than these debt funding bonds. They were issued upon the unanimous 
vote of the City Council, to extricate the city from the deep embarrass- 
ment into which it had fallen through the over-issue of scrip in excess of 



196 

the annual revenues, which had forced the city into that condition where 
it was obliged to pay about three dollars for every dollar's worth of work 
or supplies which it needed. The scrip which had been issued to laborers 
and others was taken up by the issue of those bonds. The issue was 
authorized by a special act of the Legislature, approved February 16, 1857, 
and the resolution of the City Council providing for their issue "pledged 
the faith of the city to the payment of the bonds" and declared that the 
bonds when accepted in lieu of scrip became a contract to be faithfully 
kept and maintained. 

This action of the Council was universally approved by the people at the 
time, and the city derived immediate and important advantages from it. 
The expenses of the city were placed on a cash basis, and grading which 
had cost up to that time from 30 to 40 cents per cubic yard in scrip, at once 
fell to 12 and 15 cents per yard in cash. 

The objections urged against the payment of these bonds are principally 
that they were not regularly issued, and that the taxation authorized 
under the special provisions of the city charter is inadequate to provide 
for their payment. 

This is the mere quibble of that form of dishonesty which, having got 
possession of a creditor's property, and having enjoyed the benefits of it, 
then seeks to defraud him of it entirely, and prevents its recovery by in- 
terposing legal and technical obstacles without justice or merit. 

These pleas will be as useless as they are dishonest. The courts have 
long ago settled the principle, that where bonds are issued even under 
doubtful authority, and have been long recognized as valid by the payment 
of interest, the city is finally estopped from pleading insufficient authority 
or any informality in the issue, and must pay them, and have also repeat- 
edly decided that where there is authority to contract a debt the authority 
to levy taxes to pay it follows by necessary implication even if not specially 
authorized, and the courts will enforce the payment. The City Council 
have already been required by peremptory mandamus from the United 
States courts, for the purpose of paying judgments, to levy taxes outside of 
the charter limits of taxation. They have levied such taxes ; they will be 
collected, and will be followed by other decrees and by other levies until 
the city recognizes its duty to its creditors and its own true interests, and 
adopts an honest and just policy for meeting all its obligations. 

Third — The remaining form of city indebtedness, is bonds issued to the 
Mississippi & Missouri River Air Line Railroad, being the road from 
Quincy to Keokuk, now a part of the St. Louis, Keokuk & Northwestern 
Railroad. 

These bonds, amounting to $100,000, were issued in payment of a sub- 
scription to the stock of that company of the same amount. The subscrip- 
tion was authorized by a vote of the people, June 2, 1868, the vote standing: 

For issuing the bonds :651 

Against 198 

This issue of bonds was afterwards legalized by the Legislature. The 
Supreme Court has since incidentally, if not directly, affirmed their validity, 
and the United States Circuit Court has recently done the same thing in 
giving judgment upon defaulted coupons. 

There is now, or will be January 1st next, outstanding overdue interest 
coupons of these bonds to the amount of $18,060, but no part of the prin- 
cipal will be due until the year 1900. 



197 

The reasons why these bonds (not being now due) are spoken of and 
proposed to be included in any refunding operations which may be under- 
taken, are partly, that if these were not included they would be the only 
bonds of the city not registered, that they would be in a class by them- 
selves, of inferior credit because wanting in the highest guarantees, and 
would consequently exert a depreciating influence iipon the whole issue of 
the city bonds and the general credit of the city, because also this issue 
has been largely counterfeited, and for that reason ought to be withdrawn 
from circulation, and because the price at which they were originally sold 
by the railroad was very low, and all these and other reasons have assisted 
to give them lower quotations than other Quincy bonds and present hold- 
ers have purchased them generally at a low value. For such reasons it has 
been thought that these bonds, although not due, could be judiciously re- 
funded at a lower rate of interest than they now bear with advantage to 
the holders and to the city, and it is recommended that the attempt be 
made. 

Your committee had proposed to dwell at some length upon the mania 
for repudiation in some form, either open or disguised, which seemed early 
in the year to have had a controlling influence with a large number of our 
citizens, but they believe that this delusion is largely passing away, and 
that the uselessness and folly as well as the dishonesty and disgrace of re- 
pudiation, and its injurious influence upon our growth and upon all our 
material interests, is beginning to be perceived, and if some are still in 
doubt the prompt action of the courts will soon bring conviction. 

Your committee wish, however, before closing, to say a few words to 
those who are not entitled to be classed as repudiators, who have no dis- 
honest purpose, who acknowledge our obligations to pay our whole debt, 
but who sincerely believe that payment is beyond our means, that this 
community can not provide for a debt of nearly two million dollars. Most 
of those who hold these opinions are persons but little accustomed to con- 
sider or to deal with important financial problems, and are naturally over- 
powered by the magnitude of the sum, and their own conscious inability 
to deal with it. But it should be remembered that the debt is not to be 
paid now, nor until it is entirely convenient and we desire to pay it. If 
we pay interest promptly and are otherwise honest and entitled to confi- 
dence, we can obtain as low a rate of interest as any city pays, and we shall 
not be asked for the principal until it becomes for our advantage to pay it. 
What we want now is not the means of present payment, but such im- 
proved credit as will allow us to obtain the lowest rate of interest and such 
judicious management as will provide a moderate sinking fund for the 
easy and gradual extinction of the principal. 

How the debt might be easily and finally paid under the influence of 
the entire abandonment of the repudiation policy, with the advantage of 
the improved credit which would immediately follow and a judicious ap- 
plication of the present resources, will be shown by the following state- 
ment, which any one can verify who choo3es to take the trouble : 

If the whole existing debt of the city could be at once refunded into 4 
per cent bonds, which could be done under certain specified conditions, 
the immediate saving in interest would exceed $40,000 a year. If, after 
that was done, the State authorities should continue to levy annually only 
the amount now required to pay interest, which is about $116,000, and 
should then apply annually enough of this sum to pay interest on the 



198 

whole debt at a rate of 4 per cent per annum, and the remainder of the 
sum to the reduction of the principal of the debt, and should continue the 
operation year after year, this surprising result would be realized — that 
the whole principal and interest of the debt would be entirely extinguished 
in twenty-seven years. 

On the other hand, if we do nothing to change our financial policy and 
improve our credit, we may continue to pay $116,000 a year for interest for 
100 years and still owe every dollar of the principal which we now owe. 
We owe it to ourselves as members of this association and as citizens to 
discourage every form of open or covert repudiation as unworthy, dis- 
honest and foolish. We should require of our city officials prompt and 
honorable recognition of all outstanding obligations, and the earliest and 
best arrangements practicable for an adjustment of the same satisfactory 
to creditors, pledging ourselves to hearty co-operation with every judicious 
effort for the promotion of the public interest and the restoration of the 
public credit. Respectfully submitted, 

Lorenzo Bull, Chairman, 
Henry F. J. Ricker, 
William Marsh, 
Chauncey H. Castle, 
F. W. Meyer. 
Mr. William Marsh moved that the report be unanimously adopted, and 
that the city papers be requested to publish the report, and that the Ex- 
ecutive Committee be ordered to have it printed for distribution. 

Mayor Webster spoke upon the items in the report, and generally upon 
the subject of honesty and repudiation in municipal affairs. He knew of 
no person in the city who was in favor of repudiation, but insisted that 
the people were entitled to pay as it was "nominated in the bond." 

He was firmly of the opinion that any proposition to refund the bonds 
would be defeated by the people until the courts have decided the bonds 
legal and valid. 

Mr. Bull replied to the remarks of the Mayor, adding some information 
to the statements in the report as to the liability of the city to pay the 
bonds now issued. 

Interesting statements were also made by Messrs. Webster, Charles, 
Marsh, Lemley, Parker, and at their conclusion the resolution to unani- 
mously adopt the' report was carried with Mayor Webster voting in the 
negative. 

If our Quincy readers will simply remember that this debt 
question is our own, and that we are glad to know that no 
other community is in any way involved in it, and without know- 
ing anything about the debts of other cities, that we yet feel as- 
sured from the general tenor of events that each and all of them 
will have enough to do "to paddle their own canoe," and finally 
that so far as Quincy is concerned she will "face the music," 
but still claiming to be allowed the right of every individual 
citizen, to a full hearing in our highest courts upon all doubtful 
points of law or equity without being offensively called "Re- 
pudiators." The committee of the Board of Commerce, if I 



199 

understand their report above, seem to consider the whole 
question already settled by our highest tribunals or courts, and 
if this is so, and we are convinced of it, and that there is no 
reasonable prospect of a rehearing and re-argument, we become 
Repudiators when we resist the payment of our city debt, even 
though taxation resulting therefrom may amount to the confis- 
cation of the whole of every man's property; always providing 
the courts shall hold that they may rightly adjudge themselves 
empowered, by mandamus or otherwise, to hold all private 
property within the range of a municipal corporation liable tor 
the debts of the corporation. 

I have before me the mayor's message of May 2, 1881, to 
the City Council, in which is found a statement of registered 
bonds amounting to $1,640,500, as stated in the report of the 
committee of the Board of Commerce; debt funding bonds, 
$131,300; bonds due not presented, $17,823; total amount, $1,- 
789,623. If we add M. & M. Air Line bonds, $100,000, and 
accrued interest to 1st of January, 1881, $33,008, we shall have 
a total bonded debt of $1,922,631. A city debt substantially 
$2,000,000 is perhaps not larger than that pertaining to a num- 
ber of other cities in our country, of not greater population and 
resources. But it would still be folly for us to deny that our 
our debt is a source of anxiety and a heavy burden. But we 
should have no prejudice against our bondholders as a class. 
They say: "Is it not so nominated in the bond. If you deny 
us, fie upon your law." Our deeds upon our heads, we crave 
the law, the penalty and forfeit of our bonds. We confess the 
bonds, in that they bear the city's seal, and to that extent none 
of her citizens can say "they did it not !" Notwithstanding all 
this as against these bonds, as against the collection of the note 
of a private citizen, our laws allow the maker to plead and set 
up certain lawful defences, and also in some cases other equita- 
ble defences. The statutes and decisions of our own State gen- 
erally govern the decisions of all courts in regard to our own 
affairs, unless held to be in violation of the constitution of the 
United States. Section 7, of our Practice Act provides that in 
suits against a city * * * process may be served by leaving 
a copy thereof with the mayor or city clerk. * * * Section 
11: "In action of mandamus, there issues a summons in the 
usual form, commanding the defendant to appear, &c, the issues 
to be made up by answering, pleading or demurrer to the peti- 
tion as in other cases." Under Section 19, sealed instruments 



200 

may be sued and declared on or set off, as heretofore, or in any 
form of action in which such instrument might have been sued 
and declared upon or set off if it had not been under seal; and 
demands upon simple contracts may be set off against demands 
upon sealed instruments, judgments or decrees. Under Section 
29 the defendant may plead as many matters of fact in several 
pleas, as he may deem necessary for his defense, or may plead 
the general issue and give notice in writing, under the same of 
special matters in defense, &c. * * * In the celebrated old 
time case before the Duke in Venice, the most liberal oral 
pleading seems to have been allowed, indeed in that case the 
court itself set up the pleas. The plaintiff' insisted upon the 
terms of the bond; on this and nothing else. The decision in 
that case can only be justified upon the plea that the enforce- 
ment of the demand for the pound of flesh nearest the heart of 
Antonio, was in effect a demand for his life, and therefore the 
bond itself was both illegal and void. Perhaps many of the holders 
of municipal bonds bearing exorbitant interest in our country 
"might profit by the example," or at least to take into consider- 
ation such sensible suggestions as are made in the report of the 
committee of the Board of Commerce, and other like sugges- 
tions in other localities upon the question of refunding at lower 
rates of interest as best for all parties concerned. In respect to 
city and county railroad bonds, when even the annual or semi- 
annual interest begins to be felt as very burdensome, the masses 
of taxpayers begin to look around for some means of escape. 
They say "we did it not". That of Tom, Dick and Harry, who 
did this this thing, not more than one of the three is here now. 
One of them voted nay, one of them voted yea, and the other 
one who voted with them is either dead or gone away, and be- 
sides but one of the three was a taxpayer. These city and 
county bonds have all gone to help build the railroads, the stocks 
for which they were given cuts no figure in the case, they have 
generally been declared forfeited. Many of the bonds with the 
road itself are now in the hands of the stockholders of the rail- 
road companies. If our bonds helped build the railroads, why 
should not the railroads be compelled, after the forfeiture of our 
stock, to pay the interest on our bonds, or at least to restore an 
equitable amount of our stock, now that the roads are declaring 
dividends, &c. And now, irrespective of who it may be that 
holds our bonds, may we not investigate the question of their 
legality as moatgages upon private property; for it comes to 



201 

that. Many taxpayers begin to say : "Is it indisputively and 
sufficiently clear that either the legislatures, the authorities of 
the counties or of the cities have or had, lawful and constitutional 
power and authority to authorize the issuing of these bonds to 
have the effect upon private property of a lien or mortgage. 
May we not suggest that if the power of the legislature, the 
county and the city are limited by the supreme law, the con- 
stitution of the United States, then how does that limitation 
affect these municipal corporation bonds which are to have the 
effect of a lien or morgage upon all private property within the 
municipality. We may not care for a vote of the people, as it is 
called, or whether a proposition to issue bonds to aid in building 
railroads outside of the municipality is voted up or down, or as 
between railroads in Illinois or Missouri, or as in the case of 
Cincinnati in Kentucky, outside of Ohio. We may have heard of 
the proposition to vote ourselves a farm out of government lands, 
but not until lately have we heard of voting away the farm of 
our neighbor. By the fifth amendment of the constitution of the 
United States, it is among other things provided that "No per- 
son * * shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without 
due process of law : nor shall private property be taken for pub- 
lic use without just compensation." This same provision is found 
substantially in the constitution of this, and of all the States of 
the Union. Can a city railroad bond be construed or made a prop- 
osition, for taking private property for a public use without just 
compensation. Let us remark that there have in our history 
been many hard blows given and taken in defense of the princi- 
ples laid down in our constitution, having their origin in the 
great charter, "protecting every individual of the nation in the 
free enjoyment of his life, his liberty and his property, unless 
declared to be forfeited by the judgment of his peers or the law 
of the land." The following, in the language in which it was 
first written, is the celebrated twenty-ninth chapter of Magna 
Charta, the foundation of the liberty of Englishmen, and we may 
add, of Americans also: 

Nullus liber nomo capiatur, vel imprisonetur, aut disseisiatur de libero 
tenemento suo vel libertatibus vel liberis consuetudinibus suis, aut utlage- 
tur, aut exulet, aut aliquo modo destruatur, nee super eum ibimus, nee 
super eum mittemus nisi per legale judicium parium suorum vel per legem 
terre. Nulli vedemus, nulli negabimus, aut differemus rectem vel justitiam. 

If the foundation of a judgment rendered in court be one or 
more of these railroad bonds, and if the city or county sued, 
neglects to plead and show the court the illegal nature of the 



202 

bond or bonds, or if the court should decide wrongfully or in 
error and enter up the judgment against the city, what property 
can be lawfully taken to satisfy the judgment or execution. Is 
the city a public corporation? Is the judgment against the city 
a public debt, and was the consideration upon which the judg- 
ment was rendered, being a railroad bond, a public debt, and 
does this judgment enlarge the plaintiff's remedy so that not- 
withstanding the provisions of the constitution and our law, de- 
claring that private property shall not be taken for public use, 
&c, it may still be taken through a roundabout process of tax- 
ation? The words jyublic use, it being contended, having no 
reference to the taking of private property to pay a city or pub- 
lic debt — a debt of this kind being of no use whatever. With 
regard to the decisions of the courts heretofore made, involving 
these railroad questions and debts, they may say that they know 
but little, but feel sure the ground has not all been covered. 
That there has perhaps as yet not been an equal presentation of 
both sides of the real issues. The bondholders and railroads 
have, so far as lawyers are concerned, carried the heaviest guns ; 
that the final decision is yet to be made. But one side has as 
yet been fairly stated, either in pleading or in argument. As 
American citizens they each have certain absolute rights, recog- 
nized and protected by our constitution, "and these may be re- 
duced to three principal or primary articles: the right to per- 
sonal security, the right to personal liberty, and the right of 
private property, because as there is no known method of com- 
pulsion, or of abridging man's natural free will, but by an in- 
fringement or dimunition of one or other of these important 
rights, the preservation of these inviolate, may justly be said to 
include the preservation of our civil immunities in their largest 
and most extensive sense." By the laws of England and our 
own, no free man is even permitted to sell himself into slavery. 
By our own laws the ordinary mode of creating a lien or 
mortgage is well understood. An excited and howling mob, 
which may call itself a city railroad election, hardly amounts to 
the dignity of deliberation. Its acts should never be held by the 
courts as affording a sufficient foundation for the creation of a 
lien against the private property of any man. 

All these foregoing suggestions, and perhaps many others, 
are now in the minds of the taxpayers. They don't want to be- 
lieve that the question is finally settled against them, and when 
they are told that the bonds were not given to the railroads at 



203 

all, nor to help the railroads, but just to get hold of the invalua- 
able stock or shares of these railroad companies, a great deal of 
which stock has been, they are told, ground through the courts 
and in effect forfeited, and that they know nothing about such 
things. Some of the greatest lawyers and statesmen, knowing 
all about how to do it and how to wreck a railroad without 
the train falling through a bridge, or the aid of a broken rail or 
even a collision. Our non-professional taxpayers can only reply 
that if so we have all made a "pretty hash of it;" whilst the 
representative of the bondholder facetiously replies, "that the 
man that don't like this hash is a liar," and a repudiator besides. 
In this book of a somewhat local character, I desire more to 
be the historian, than to be the attorney for any side without 
pretending to have examined all the laws, and court decisions 
supposed to bear upon the municipal bond question in their 
various characteristics. I now, for the information of our non- 
professional readers, give the substance of three of our Supreme 
Court decisions as I find them. In the case of "The President 
and Trustees of Keithburg vs. Frick, 34 111. p. 405. The court 
says of subscriptions to stock of a railroad company and the 
issuing of bonds therefor, that if illegal, they may be legalized by 
the legislature. That the municipality issuing these bonds are 
estopped from denying their validity whether expressly the 
• bonds were issued under the charter, or are held under a section 
which legalizes and confirms what has been previously done. 
That the corporation was estopped from setting up irregularity 
in the issuing of the bonds, after having repeatedly recognized 
their validity by paying them out and levying taxes and paying 
interest on them for a series of years. If the subscription was 
made as allowed by the law of 1849, confirmed as it was by the 
17th section of that of 1857, the bonds may be regarded as issued 
by the old corporation, confirmed by the new act, or as a new 
issue under the 2d section of the act of 1857. They say that 
the legislature may authorize municipal bodies to subscribe to 
stock in railroad companies has been often recognized by the 
court as in Johnson vs. Stark County, 24 111. p. 75, Perkins et 
al. vs. The President and Trustees, 24 111. p. 208, and that it is 
by no means a necessary element in the subscription that there 
should be a vote of the inhabitants of the town or city author- 
izing them. It is competent for the legislature to bestow the 
power directly on the corporation, without any intermediary as 
they did in that case. 



204 

In the case of Marshall County vs. Cook, 38 111. p. 44, that 
county was alleged to have made a subscription to a railroad 
company under the act of the Illinois legislature of 1849, which 
required as a prerequisite that the county should call an election 
on the subject. The county had just adopted township organiza- 
tion, and the duties of the County Court thereby devolved upon 
the Board of Supervisors. But the County Court instead of the 
Board of Supervisors, had made the order and given the notice 
of the election. The court held that the order for the election 
and the notice made by the County Court was nugatory and 
the election under it void. That though, after the subscrip- 
tion had been made, the Board of Supervisors issued the bonds, 
they being signed by the chairman of the Board of Supervisors 
and authenticated by the county seal. The court says it is vir- 
tually admitted that the bond and coupon sued upon were irreg- 
ularly issued, and though it was insisted that the subsequent 
acts of the county rendered them valid, and they had been 
negotiated for a valuable consideration before the maturity, 
without other notice, such as the law charges, the county could 
not interpose a defense to them in the hands of such holder. The 
court held the bonds to be absolutely void in the hands of any 
one, though the county had made one or more payments thereon. 
This decision implies that illegal bonds void ab initio, may be 
defended against in the hands of innocent holders. 

In the case of the Q., M. & P. R. R. Co. vs. I. N. Morris, 84 
111. p. 420. The courts say that under the constitution of 1870, 
which prohibits municipal subscription to railroad companies or 
private corporations, except on a vote of a people, &c, had prior 
to the adoption of that constitution, and which operates to pro- 
hibit any such subscription unless upon a fair vote in reference 
thereto was had under existing law — a mere voluntary vote, 
even though directed by an ordinance of a city in which the 
proposition was pending would not avail to remove the restriction. 
But that under the 24th section of the schedule the vote of the 
13th of December, 1869, in pursuance of an ordinance of the 
city, but not under any existing law, was valid and effectual for 
the purposes of such subscription. So it was held that a sub- 
scription by the City of Quincy to 'the capital stock of the Q., 
M. & P. R. R. Company, made after the adoption of the con- 
stitution of 1870, in pursuance of the vote of that city on the 7th 
of Agust, 1869, not, however, under any existing law, was a 
valid and binding subscription authorizing the city to issue 



205 

bonds therefor, and this without reference to the validity of that 
part of the statute of the ist of July, 1871, purporting to 
legalize the election. Furthermore the last clause of Section 
24, of the schedule of the constitution of 1870, left the power in 
the legislature to authorize the City of Quincy to make this 
subscription precisely as it was under the constitution of 1848, 
under which the subscription could have been authorized with- 
out any vote on the subject by the people, and that authority 
was conferred by the act in force July 1, 1871. The court finally 
decided that though the subscription was for a road to be con- 
structed in Missouri from a point opposite to Quincy, that was no 
legal objection to the validity of the subscription. 

Now with all due respect to our Supreme Court and its de- 
cisions upon these municipal bond questions, we are reminded of 
a story told us by a venerable colored gentleman all of the oldest 
kind we knew in Kentucky. Meeting him one day with a dead 
possum in his hand and by the tail, he said, "You better believe, 
Massa, dis old man had a hard time in gittin' holt ob dis possum. 
Sar, he was away up in de top ob a 'simmon tree, an' I seed him 
dar, an' my dog an' me 'spected to git him dreckly, an' I shook de 
tree, an' shook an' shook, and when shaken loose his holts, by 
Ginny, Massa, he jest laid holt ob a lim' wid his tail an' held 
an' held an' holded on till I had to cut down dat 'simmon tree, 
an' den I fetched him, an' here he is, Massa." 

I venture, even in the face of my abhorrence of gratuitous 
and unauthorized lectures, but still, in view of our history as a 
town and as a city, to make a few perhaps needful suggestions 
to our people and to those who shall come after us. I remem- 
ber that in all free communities, governed by the consent of 
their people, that the benefits of such government must neces- 
sarily carry with those benefits a corresponding obligation, rest- 
ing upon each and all. Quincy, like all other municipalities 
without permanent outside resources, is entirely dependent upon 
the taxpayers. All such cities have to depend upon taxation for 
the support of its government. The government of the city, and 
the city itself, has nothing but what it receives from the tax- 
payers. These taxes when collected are a trust fund for the 
benefit of the people of the city, to be wisely and honestly used. 
Hence no man has a right to demand or receive from the city 
something for nothing. To do so is like begging from a beggar. 
Can anything be meaner than that. No man, before he is law- 
fully chosen, has a right to demand an office. At most he may 



206 

be a candidate for office and to make it a business to seek to 
live upon the city's money by hook or by crook, without ren- 
dering adequate service, makes the seeker a public cheat. In 
regard to our poor, for which some sort of provision is made 
by all civilized communities, they form an exception to the gen- 
eral rule; some provision must be made for them and must sub- 
stantially stand, though not always wisely made or administered. 
The painstaking and industrious who accumulate property for 
wife and children must see to it, that the "city goose" which 
lays its golden e^g each day in the lap of honest labor, shall not 
be killed by unwise and exorbitant taxes at the hands and for the 
support of mere idle political loafers, a class too common in all 
cities, great and small. But through all and to the end let us 
hope for the prosperity of our well-beloved and beautiful City of 
Quincy. Like most of our municipal corporations and city 
governments in the United States, Quincy has made many sad 
mistakes, some of them almost as fatal as that of our first 
parents in the Garden of Eden, when they plucked and ate the 
forbidden fruit. Nature has given us as nearly a Garden of 
Eden as can elsewhere be found. The forbidden fruit for us 
was city debt. But our location, though upon the great river, 
was two degrees south and about as many degrees west of Chi- 
cago and the lakes, whilst we are two degrees north and more 
than one degree west of St. Louis — the great natural through 
line, substantially upon the fortieth degree of north latitude run- 
ning through us. Yet, for a time, Quincy was, as it were, in a rich 
pocket of the best agricultural land in America, with no other 
outlet for trade and commerce than the river, which was only 
navigable one-half the year, and besides our only market was 
St. Louis, and though for a number of years of the trade of the 
upper Mississippi, especially from the Rapids down, Quincy 
contributed more than one-half of the whole, in the St. Louis 
newspapers Keokuk was credited for it all, and Quincy scarcely 
even mentioned. It was very natural that our people should 
begin to grow impatient and to move in the matter of railroad 
subscriptions. After the building of our first road, it was the 
opinion of many that all other roads we needed would come in 
time without local subscriptions, if we would only be a little 
patient and wait a little longer. But in any view of the case 
now, all rrmst agree that the city has largely increased in manu- 
factures, trade and in population, and to a great extent, no doubt, 
owing to our railroad facilities. We have thrown oft' our old 



207 

time dependence upon St. Louis and Chicago, making and oc- 
cupying a center of our own, and are now going alone, and 
from this time forth we must mainly go it alone, more and 
more. Already our wholesale business, as stated in my first 
chapter, is very reputable, and will and must increase; our man- 
ufactures have the good will of all and the best wishes of every- 
one. In them lies, as before suggested, our strength and our 
hopes for the permanent prosperity of the town. 

It would not be proper for me in these sketches to omit say- 
ing a word about three of our private corporations, which, 
though private, yet largely partake of a somewhat public char- 
acter. And first of the Quincy Gaslight and Coke Company. 
This company has been in successful operation here for nearly 
thirty years, and has given almost entire satisfaction to private 
consumers — its occasional contests with the city authorities upon 
the rates charged for street lights seem not peculiar to this 
locality. Of the merits of the contest I am unable to decide, as 
I do not know enough about the actual cost to the company in- 
volved. Of one thing I am certain, and that is the city can not now 
get along without illuminating gas, though of another kind we 
have always had enough, without ostensible, though not prob- 
ably without great cost. Our next oldest corporation of this 
somewhat quasi-public character is our Street Railway and 
Carrying Company. This company commenced business or 
was opened from the old postoffice building on Maine street to 
the north limits of the city in 1867. The track was not then 
extended east on Maine street farther than the old postoffice. 
We had a young friend from St. Louis on a visit to Quincy and 
desiring to come out to our residence, east of Sixteenth street 
and seeing a car at Fifth street, turning east on Maine, thought 
he would ride out to see us. Jumping in the car he was pretty 
soon surprised to find that the road only came his way a little 
over a block, and he had to walk out, but said it way the short- 
est ride he ever took for even five cents. The track of this 
road now covers about six miles. Though the road has not 
probably been very profitably operated, so far as the stock- 
holders are concerned, it has always been well conducted. The 
people living on the line and upon adjacent streets, embracing 
many thousands would feel the loss of this road very much. In 
time it is hoped that the stockholders will have their reward for 
their patience and good management. Of the Water Works 
Company much discussion has been had among our people 



208 

without knowing much about the actual cost and the expense of 
running the works. I think there is a very general feeling 
among our people that the amount charged per hydrant for water 
is too much, and in consequence some discontent has prevailed. 
It is believed and expected that in a short time a better under- 
standing and a more harmonious action will ensue as between 
the city and this company, now beginning to be felt as a neces- 
sity. Having got along as a city to a point where we can boast 
of our fire department, we are compelled to have water. A fire 
department without any water would be an anomaly. Indeed 
Quincy without water works, a fire department and the gas 
works would be not only in the dark, but so far behind the age 
that we would really feel ashamed of ourselves. Besides the 
supply of water for the use of the city in cases of fire, the water 
works are now and will continue to be almost a necessity in pri- 
vate families. Let us then not so much expect to do without 
water, as hope to get better terms — the best we can for both 
sides. The city must expect to pay a reasonable price for a 
water supply. The company must expect opposition if an un- 
reasonable price is demanded. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



|ji«jes®BOlJT January, 1869 — over ten years ago — through the courtesy of 
the Quincy Whig, there was published short sketches of bench and 
bar, written by the author of this book, embracing deceased 
judges and lawyers who had resided here or who had appeared in the 
Adams County Circuit Court since the beginning. Those old sketches em- 
braced the following judges : Richard M. Young, James H. Ralston, Jesse 
B. Thomas, Norman H. Purple, William A. Minshall, and Peter Lott. 
And lawyers : Archibald Williams, James W.Whitney, Robert R.Williams, 
William A. Richardson, George W. P. Maxwell, Charles Oilman, Philo A. 
Goodwin, Abram Jonas, Edward D. Baker, N. Bushnell, Jbsiah Lamborn, 
James A. McDougal, Cyrus Walker, Sidney Little, Murray McConnell, 
William Darling, Jacoby Hallack, Isaac M. Grover, George C. Dixon, Robert 
S. Blackwell, and a few others, all then dead. To complete the series, the 
following sketches embrace those who have died since 1869. All these 
sketches will now be at the command of our local lawyers should they 
deem them of sufficient special value to be preserved in pamphlet form. 
This chapter also contains "a last word," and some old-time poetry hereto- 
fore published, as also some concluding matter in correction. 

EBENEZER MOORE. 

This gentleman was for a time a law partner of the writer. He was the 
first Mayor of our city, a native of the State of Maine and a well read 
lawyer and gentleman. He never claimed to be or was among our greatest 
lawyers, but was a very reliable and safe man, modest, reserved, honest 
and true. After residing here for many years he removed to Washington 
City, where he was for a time employed in one of the government depart- 
ments, dying suddenly of cholera, I believe, in the year 1867. 

HORACE S. COOLEY. 

This gentleman resided here for a number of years and practiced law in 
our courts for a time. He became Secretary of State for Illinois and Adju- 
tant General. Was for a time a law partner of Philo A. Goodwin. At one 
time he became the owner of the ten acres of land now held by the 
Collins' estate, on the corner of Maine and Eighteenth streets. This he 
intended for a permanent home, but afterwards by his election to the office 
<>f Secretary of State was compelled to reside in Springfield, and dying 
before his return here, this beautiful tract was sold. General Cooley was 

a tall and handsome man, very popular with his party, a very good and 
14 



210 

popular speaker upon the stump and at the bar, and much loved by his 
numerons friends as a kind-hearted and worthy gentleman. Dying young, 
he had not fought his way to the top of his profession, but he was a man 
of talent, well educated, coming from New England, whence came Bush- 
nell and others of the Quincy bar, who gave a good account of themselves 
during their residence among us. 

STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 

I first met Mr. Douglas at Jacksonville during the year 1835. He was a 
candidate for the Legislature, and the only Democrat elected that year from 
Morgan county. He was the handsomest little man I ever saw, and the 
name of the "Little Giant" applied to him afterwards was not misapplied. 
No one can present an adequate account of Mr. Douglas within the compass 
of the short sketch allowed me. As judge and lawyer he was less dis- 
tinguished than as a statesman and politician, but take him all in all, that 
distinguished place he took and held by the sheer force of his being was 
indisputably his due. Stephen A. Douglas was in many respects one of 
the greatest men in America. He seemed to wield a sort of supernatural 
and indomitable power over the views and conduct of the masses of men. 
He loved the Democratic party, and tried hard to tide it over the breakers 
ahead. He would have gathered all its factions under his wings, but for 
the first time he found this impossible. As representative in the lower 
house of Congress and in the Senate his record is voluminous, and his 
battles there were fought like the battles of the gods. I have doubted the 
propriety of my attempting to deal with my subject at all, but as Mr. 
Douglas was among us here on the bench, represented our district in 
Congress, became United States Senator, I might not pass over his great 
name in connection with our bench and bar. I can not claim him as a life 
long friend, politically, yet I invoke every Illinoisan to cast an immortelle 
upon his grave. 

JUDGE SKINNER. 

Onias C. Skinner, so well known here and whose decease occurred not 
long ago, deserves a larger notice as judge and lawyer than I can give here. 
As both lawyer and judge he was held in very high esteem by the whole 
State. He was a strong, self-made, superior man, on the Supreme bench, 
in the Legislature, and in our last Constitutional convention. But much 
has been written about him, and more will be written by abler pens than 
mine. I speak of him as the lawyer and judge only. His life of success 
demands a full biography, which I cannot write. There are others who 
will perform this duty. 

HON. ISAAC N. MORRIS. 

Of this gentleman it is not too much for me to say that he was a remark- 
able man, well educated and inheriting from his father, Senator Morris of 
Ohio, both strength of intellect and indomitable will. Like his father, 
Isaac N. Morris was an unquestionable Democrat, but never objectively a 
pro-slavery one. He was willing to let slavery alone as a strictly State in- 
stitution, but at the bottom of his Democracy he found no principle which 
bound him to help extend the cause of aggressive slavery. He served two 
or more terms in the lower house of Congress, acting generally in harmony 
with his party. When the war of the rebellion came, Mr. Morris promptly 



211 

arrayed himself, by patriotic speeches, on the side of his country. He was 
for the United States, and against the so-called Confederate States. He had 
became personally acquainted with the leaders of the threatened rebellion 
whilst at Washington, and was not surprised at the attempted secession 
and war which necessarily followed when the attempt was really made. 
Of his courage and perseverance in any cause which enlisted him, no one 
who knew Isaac N. Morris ever doubted. For a long time he was the idol 
of his party in his district, hospitable and kind to his friends, and rather 
a hard subject for his enemies. During the later years of his life he suf- 
fered from sickness and ill health, and finally a few years ago died at his 
home here. Of Isaac N. Morris as a lawyer we may say, that like all men 
of the profession who in early life go into politics, he never attained in 
the courts a very high standing, though as a well educated and well read 
lawyer in the elementary principles of the law he was a good lawyer. His 
jury speeches were forcible, and he always made a gallant fight to win his 
case. Had he never gone into politics, and had he "boned the books" like 
many others, no doubt his rank as a lawyer would have been very high. 

CALVIN A. WARREN, 

As a natural humorist and wit, has never had his equal at our bar. His 
mind and mental habits seemed to make it impossible for him to keep 
back a flow of wit and humor as from an inexhaustible fountain. His 
manner and expression of face, which no one ever could imitate, seemed 
to give life to every funny thing he did or said. As illustrative of Mr. 
Warren's peculiar and apparently irresistible disposition to quaint thoughts 
even as a boy, he once told me of a circumstance, which he never forgot. 
When quite a small boy he went to a monkey show, and the red and 
striped monkeys, as he called them, with their peculiar antics and move- 
ments upon the spring-board, where they were fastened during the 
exhibition, so impressed him that he could not keep them out of his mind 
for a long time afterwards. Soon after he had seen the monkeys, he went 
with his mother to the first funeral he had ever attended. Little boy as 
he was, he felt the solemnity of the occasion, and finally, when the people 
all knelt down in prayer, he shut his eyes like the rest, but no sooner did 
he close them than to his mental vision there appeared the monkeys, 
cavorting, grinning and shuilling about all over the black coffin which held 
the dead person. He tried hard to keep quiet, and especially not to laugh, 
but finally one old monkey in the vision got hold of another one's tail and 
gave it a bite, and at this he could hold in no longer, but burst out in a loud 
laugh, to the astonishment of everybody, when his mother took him by 
the hand and led him home. His mother said : "Calvin, how could you do 
so?" Calvin could only reply : "I could not help it, mother; the monkeys 
were there again." Mr. Warren was, in a peculiar sense, a great lawyer — 
not a great book lawyer, but with the jury he was, especially in his earlier 
practice, generally very effective. If it was a laughing case, he always had 
them from the start. For some years prior to his death he suffered from 
one or more partial attacks of paralysis, which disqualified him from ready 
writing, and also occasioned the partial loss of his sight, yet even to the 
last he always seemed cheerful, courteous and obliging toward his brethren 
of the profession, finally dying at a good old age, respected by every 
lawyer of his acquaintance and after a practice in our courts here of over 



212 

forty years. Mr. Warren, before he was admitted to the bar, had attended 
for one or more terms the law school of Transylvania University, at Lex- 
ington, Kentucky, at that time the best school of the kind in the entire 
West, and in his general reading and intercourse with the men of talent 
he had absorbed and made his own very large knowledge and experience. 

KITFUS L. MILLER. 

Mr. Miller had been engaged in early life in merchandising. He was, I 
believe, a native of the State of Maryland. His father came to reside in 
Quincy when Rufus was quite a youth— as early, I think, as 1837 or 1839. 
About the time that Rufus came of age he become a partner in the mer- 
cantile firm of which his father was the head. Some time after the firm 
had been dissolved, Rufus commenced the study of the law. Exactly 
when he was licensed to practice law I do not know, but some years before 
the great war of the rebellion he had removed to the State of Iowa, where 
he resided for some years and held one or more important civil offices, 
discharging his duty with general acceptance. When the war broke out 
he went into military service as an officer in one of the Iowa regiments of 
volunteers, serving with honor and efficiency, I think with the rank of 
captain. After the war was over Mr. Miller retured to Quincy and engaged 
in the practice of law here. He had married Miss Pitney, a sister of War- 
ren Pitney, Esq., and also of Mrs. Lee, wife of Wellington S. Lee, Esq. 
Rufus L. Miller was never rich — the battle of life with him was one of 
labor and toil. His only successful adventure was one of the heart, in that 
he loved and married his excellent wife who still survives him. He 
brought up a most interesting family of daughters, and these and his be- 
loved wife were his chief treasures. With those of his brethren of the 
profession who knew him best he was much loved and respected. We 
think he had no enemies. He was stubbornly independent, loyal and true 
in his general conduct and political principles. As a lawyer he did not 
reach the highest grade, but in later days he was found to be much better 
grounded in the principles of the law than many who apparently out- 
ranked him at the bar. As attorney for the Quincy Building and Home- 
stead Association he prepared valuable papers and instructions to meet the 
changes of previous legislation, placing the institution upon sure and well 
regulated forms of administration. Mr. Miller was fond of military dis- 
play, and frequently acted as marshal upon Fourth of July and other street 
parades. His last appearance as chief marshal was, we believe, upon the 
Fourth of July, 1881, having got up from a sick bed to command the pro- 
cession. I well remember his appearance upon horseback upon that occa- 
sion. Weary and sick, he returned home, and kept his bed until he died, 
departing from this life not long after. His funeral was attended by the 
Quincy Bar Association from the Cathedral to Woodland Cemetery. His 
was the first death that occurred among the actual members of that Asso- 
ciation, though the Association, with other members of the bar, had at- 
tended the funeral of other lawyers. Indeed, on the same day there was 
carried to Woodland Cemetery, in the same procession, the remains of 
John Conover, a worthy member of the bar who had for a time lived 
among us here, and whose decease was lamented, and whose memory is 
cherished by all who knew him. 



213 
WELLINGTON S. LEE. 

In our sketches of bench and bar we feel ashamed to say we had for- 
gotten the name of Wellington S. Lee. Mr. Lee was one of the handsom- 
est men at our bar in his day. Young, the picture of health and manly 
strength, he attracted the attention of all who met him. We are at pres- 
ent unable to state exactly where he was born, or licensed as a lawyer, but 
we think in the State of Ohio. He was a man of decided character, up- 
right and honorable, but not as profound a lawyer as he would have been 
had he lived till this time. He had talent and a degree of industry. But 
he had a hard struggle with himself to go slow and be patient. When he 
came here the ranks of lawyers were full, and there were here many older 
and better lawyers than any new beginner could be, but he was beginning 
to take a respectable place among them ; was quite a good speaker, and had 
he lived would have made his mark. When the war of the rebellion 
broke out Mr. Lee became an officer in the Third Illinois cavalry regiment, 
going forth to fight, and if need be to die for his country. He became after 
a time captain of his company, perhaps ultimately major of his regiment. 
Once during the war he returned here to visit his family, but soon went 
back to his post of duty, and to die. Like Delano, he fell not at the hands 
of an enemy, but was shot by accident. A pistol in the hands of one of 
his regiment was, in handling, accidentally discharged, the ball striking 
poor Lee and inflicting a mortal wound. Yet he died as much in the 
service of his country as if he had fallen in a charge upon the enemy. I 
do not know how many of our people here yet remember Wellington S. 
Lee, the lawyer, but there are but few among us more worthy of being 
kindly remembered than he. 

HON. ORVILLE H. BROWNING. 

Perhaps it is doing no injustice to the memory of others of our great 
lawyers — and of such we have had many — for me to say that, in my esti- 
mation, he was, take him all in all, and upon every professional side, with 
court, jury and witness, our greatest lawyer. His long residence among 
our people — a residence of fifty years, in active professional life — gave 
him an advantage over all others, so that comparing him with other great 
men of shorter life and less actual experience in all the courts and with all 
of great capacity for the work of his profession, he has had an advantage 
over all others here. The writer commenced reading law under Mr. 
Browning in his office in the east room of the old Land Office Hotel, in 
Quincy, in November, 1834, and has known him personally for as many as 
fifty years, living in his family for a short time. I am not now conscious of 
any intent to unduly magnify his status as a lawyer. That he was a great 
man, all now freely admit ; that he was a noble man in look, manner, and 
above all, in his intercourse with others, high and low, rich and poor, will 
be conceded by all who ever knew him; and in his death, which occurred 
at his comfortable and hospitable home on the 10th of August, 1881, in his 
7fith year of life, the whole city felt that a great and good man had fallen. 
As I learn, a very full and no doubt able and eloquent sketch of Mr. 
Browning, which the writer has not seen, was delivered by Judge Law- 
rence before the State Bar Association at Springfield not long since. Mr. 
Browning was a native of Kentucky. For a time he was a student in 
Augusta College, in that State. He afterwards read law with his uncle, the 



214 

Hon. William Brown, at Cynthiana, also in that State. Was there licensed 
to practice law, and soon after, in 1831, came to Quincy where he has re- 
sided ever since, or up to the time of his death. His knowledge and expe- 
riences in the ways of legislation, in the rules and practices of the various 
courts and his knowledge of court decisions were almost without limit. 
He at different times served in both branches of the legislature of our 
State, and during our last constitutional convention to amend the supreme 
law of Illinois he served as one of the delegates from Adams County. He 
was for a time a member of the United States Senate, and during the 
greater portion of the presidential term of Andrew Johnson, he was one of 
his cabinet ministers, as Secretary of the Department of the Interior. Mr. 
Browning, during his long professional life, had practiced in many of the 
circuits in Illinois, and on occasions both in Iowa and Missouri, and in all 
the courts — in the Appellate Courts and the Supreme Court of Illinois and 
some other States, in the Supreme Court of the United States and all other 
courts of record in Washington City, and always with marked ability, and 
always with success if his case was one in which success was possible. 

SETH C. SHERMAN. 

We have had residing among us several lawyers, now dead, who, though 
men of ability and well read in the law, did not in the courts practice law. 
One of such was Seth C. Sherman. His advent here was in the capacity 
of land agent, belonging to that very important firm of Moore, Morton & 
Co., composed of Francis C. Moore, Lloyd Morton and Seth C. Sherman. 
Mr. Sherman, judging from my long acquaintance and intercourse with 
him, was one of our best read men. His law learning was utilized in the 
conduct of his business, and with great intellectual force he united a love 
for books. For a long time he had the best private miscellaneous library 
in Quincy. Though scarcely known to the profession as a lawyer, he was 
yet well informed in all the fundamentals of legal lore. Mr. Sherman died 
here only a few years ago, much respected and largely known to not only 
the people here but to the outside inhabitants of the military tract. He 
was the first collector of internal revenue at this point under the laws of 
Congress, discharging his duties with skill and fidelity. 

JOSEPH B. GILPIN. 

This gentleman was best known here as a land agent and land dealer. 
Though licensed here to practice law, he but seldom appeared in court in 
the capacity of attorney. He did, however, from time to time consider- 
able office business. During the war of the rebellion he held the im- 
portant office of quartermaster, serving in the South, and coming out of 
the service with the rank of major. Joe Gilpin, as he was familiarly 
called by his old acquaintances, was, I believe, a native of Maryland, and 
quite a Southerner in most of his characteristics. A devoted friend to his 
friends, and always cheerful and full of fun, he had the capacity of making 
people laugh by his wit and crank sayings in a remarkable degree. I re- 
member more than one occasion when Joe was the life of a crowd, on a 
train, a steamboat, or in a fishing or hunting party, and indeed at parties 
and social gatherings. He was a man of large mental capacity, entirely 
modest and unassuming, and was much respected by his acquaintances. 
He died here only a few years ago. It is not too much for me to say he 
was "Gentleman Joe Gilpin." 



215 

Before the last word, I refer to the statement made in Chapter I, at page 
18, in regard to the number of the population of Quincy by the census of 
1880. In stating our population at only 30,000, having seen no official 
statement, I had accepted what I supposed a true statement, seen in a 
newspaper. Since writing that chapter, which is now in print and beyond 
my control, I have seen another newspaper statement that our population 
is 27,375. I find still another and later statement, purporting to be made 
by Assessor Steinkamp, making our total population 30,879. I do not know 
which statement is correct, or whether either is exactly so, and my read- 
ers will, I presume, have to wait for an authoritative statement till the 
official one is made in print at Washington. I still think, however, that a 
careful enumeration would now, in 1882, give us the number of about 
33,000, as I have stated in Chapter I. I also here state that a number of 
important additions and changes in regard to business firms have taken 
place since I wrote Chapter I. Like all important and growing cities, we 
are now too large to count all changes at frequent intervals. 

Note. — At page 121 read Rev. Porter Clay — not Peter. 

I can hardly claim or expect entire exemption from at least friendly 
criticism of this little book from my readers, and with all due respect for 
all such, and in illustration of how I hope to be able to feel under the in- 
fliction, I will here tell my last story. I knew in Kentucky, more than 
fifty years ago, an old bachelor named Hogg, generally called "Uncle 
Tommy Hogg." He was very deaf, and had residing in his family about 
half a dozen unmarried nieces. These had their beaus, who often came to 
see them, and one Sunday afternoon quite a number of young fellows 
were gathered in the large family sitting-room, each by his girl, whilst 
"Uncle Tommy" sat at the chimney-corner by himself. One of the young 
men named Tribbe, having heard that Mr. Hogg had been paying atten- 
tion to a young girl, his neighbor, living down near the bridge, and think- 
ing to have his joke, called out : "Uncle Tommy, there's a fellow that will 
cut you out down to the bridge." Putting one hand to one ear, Uncle 
Tommy said : "What did you say, Tribbe ?" Then putting the other 
hand to the other ear,so as to make two ear trumpets, again said : "What 
did you say, Tribbe ?" Tribbe repeated : "There's a fellow that will cut 
you out down at the bridge, Uncle Tommy." To this Mr. Hogg very quickly 
replied : "O, well; let 'em cut 'em." 

SOME OF THE AUTHOR'S OLD POETRY. 

When Hampshire street was being graded from the east through to the 
river, and when the excavation had reached the ledge of rock west of 
Third street, the work was suspended for a time. This left a kind of 
pocket between Third street and the ledge of rock. One of our old citi- 
zens, Mr. Wilson Lane, who owned the lot on the north side of Hamp- 
shire, where the Kentucky House now stands, preparing to build upon it, 
dug a deep cellar, the north end of which extended to the old bridle path, 
which traversed in a winding way the grounds from the northwest corner 
of Third and Hampshire streets down to the foot of Vermont. 

HOW THE HAWK-EYE FELL IN THE WELL. 
It was many years ago — when Quincy was a town, 
That an old man from Iowa, to sell his skins came down; 
He had an old mare — on her back an old saddle, 
And all around about the place, these old ones did paddle. 



216 

His stirrups were of rope, and the irons not alike — 

And the old fellow called himself "bully old Ike ;" 

He was exceeding wicked — drank liquor a good deal, 

And for a whole week, right merry seemed to feel. 

He had a coon-skin cap with the tail sticking out, 

And everybody wondered, to see him strut about; 

His clothing, like himself, to the people seemed quite odd, 

For he looked like a person just from the "land of Nod." 

In going down the hill, to his tavern and his bunk, 

While walking in the night, in a cellar down he sunk; 

He had Hold of the bridle, and leading the old mare, 

Who at this sudden accident, began to snort and stare. 

The mare held him fast by the bridle in his grip — 

He felt an eager hope, that his hold might not slip, 

And then began to pray, to yell "a few" and swear, 

The mare was "worser" scared, and backwards did rear. 

The old man's feet were swinging, he thought in a well! 

But at length the bridle broke, and down old "Ikey" tell; 

He wasn't hurt at all, being very near the bottom — 

So he sloped off a cry for help by exclaiming "dod-rotem !" 

And is it not too bad, for any man alone — 

To make so loud a noise as that, without a broken bone. 

Next day he cut for home, scarce stopping to look around, 

But swore he'd lick the digger of that "hole in the ground." 

He has never since returned to find out the lark 

Who dug that ugly hole that trapped him in the dark. 

Quincy, December, 1848. 

Our first cemetery was what is now called the south half of Jefferson, or 
the present Court House Square. A path through this old cemetery led 
from the southwest to the northeast corner, and prior to the date of this 
true ghost story many of the bodies buried there had been removed — some- 
times the graves were not filled up after the removal and stood open for 
some days. 

A TRUE GHOST STORY OF QUINCY. 

A citizen among us, of good standing and well known, 

Was very badly scared one night, while walking home alone— 

'Twas in the old cemetery — where the dead — a silent host — 

Are quietly all sleeping, that at once he saw a ghost. 

He never did believe in the silly tales of those 

Who say that in such places, in their snow-white clothes, 

The departed may be seen on any dark night, 

Walking their rounds as sentinels, poor mortals to affright. 



217 
But now, alas, before him, there was a solemn sight — 
A tall and fearful looking thing, all covered o'er with white! 
It moved its long and waving arms — its head between upright, 
And struggled in a new-made grave, in terror and affright. 

It gave a loud and mournful groan, that chilled his very heart, 
And seemed to be inviting our friend to take its part. 
It beckoned with its hands, and nodded with its head, 
And by mysterious tokens, for assistance strongly "pled." 

Our neighbor was no coward, when faced by any man, 
But who can stand a ghost! and all its features scan; 
He stood in silent wonder, with his hair straight up on end, 
And would have given a quarter to meet with any friend. 

He tried awhile to "holler," but his throat was very dry, 
And his lips would give no sound, he scarcely could tell why; 
It was an awful thing, but it could not be a corse, 
The truth at length came to him, 'twas Skinner's old white horse! 

Being turned out to the grass, and while wandering about, 
He had fallen in the grave, and was trying to get out; 
His hind feet were down and his head and fore ones up, 
Having got into this awkward fix by coming there to sup. 
Quincy, December, 1848. 



AUTUMN. 

The dim skies are calm, 

And the world, growing old, 

Sends out odors of balm, 
With its colors of gold. 

In the fall of the year, 

Though the rain-moistened leaf, 
Drops down like the tear, 

Which we shed in our grief, 

Still Autumn we love, 

Though winter draws nigh, 

With its snows from above — 
When the roses all die. 

In the autumn of life 

When our locks turn to grey, 
We shrink from the strife 

That falls in our way, 



218 

And hope in that morn, 
When life's winter is past, 

To enter new born 
Into Heaven at last. 



WOODLAND CEMETERY. 

Hail! beauteous garden of the dead, 
Where many mournlul lines are read, 
Telling that all once lived and died — 
Here sleeping near the river's side, 
And like that river at their feet, 
They onward pass without retreat. 

"God's Acre" called— His holy ground 
Where faith and charity abound, 
And scarce a body resting there 
Not watered by some loving tear. 

There lies before us many a grave, 
Where sleep the faithful and the brave, 
Which raise our thoughts and touch the heart 
And make it beat with aching smart. 

Here, too, the father of the town, 
With other men of large renown, 
Are gathered by that Reaper stern, 
Who cuts down each and all in turn. 



INDEX. 



Page. 

Adams County Boundaries 9 

Adams County Organization 29 

Asher Anderson's First Store 35 

Author's Trip from Kentucky 49-52 

Author's Description of the Town in 1834 52 

Author's First Election 83 

Author's First Trial 124 

Adjutan-tGeneral Haynie's Report 148 

Adams County in War 147-150 

Andersonville and Jeff. Davis 151 

Anti-Mormon Meeting 166 

Anti-Catholic League in 1844 178 

Advice to Quincy 205 

Autumn 217 

B. 

Bauvet, the French Trader 37 

Boston Bay 37 

Black Hawk War 42 

Bennett's Hanging 54 

Burning the Institute 74 

Blacksmiths % 103 

Brockschmidt, Joseph 110 

Burton Cave 127 

Budke's Mistake 133 

Bartlett, John, Sr 139 

Browning's Resolutions 145 

Browning on Internal Improvements in 183(1 170 

Browning, Sketch as Lawyer 213 

Brockman, Tom 168 

Business Men in 1870 182-183 

Business and Men 11-21 

C. 

Commission to Locate County Seat 29 

County Commissioners 39 

Cremation 32 



220 

Circuit Court, First 36 

County Business, First Store License 39 

County Revenue, 1826 39 

Congregational Church 41 

Cholera.... 42,81 

Census, 1834-5, '45, '47, &c y 81 

Coldest Weather, The 56 

City Charter 77 

City Legislation 85-89 

Common Schools 81 

Carpenters, Old Time 104-106 

Campaign of 1840 173-174 

Corwin, Tom, &c 175 

Carver's Grant 180 

Churches and Charitable Institutions 184-185 

City Debt, &c 189-207 

Cooley, Horace S 209 



D. 

Deeds, Where to be Recorded 9-10 

Drinking 40 

Dimock, Gershom B Ill 

Denman, Sarah fi 112 

Douglas, Stephen A 209 

E. 

Early Products and Bee Trees...: 34 

Early Settlers 53 

Exports, First 42 

Eells, Dr., Case 71 

Early Business Men 102, 183 

Early Trials 127-128 

Errata 214-215 

F. 

First White Man Here 5 

Fulton County 8-9 

First Frame Building 41 

First Land Sales 58 

First Steam Ferryboat 58 

First Parties Here.. 63 

First Fire Department 76 

First City Charter 82 

Foot, Rev. Horatio 137 

First Brick House 41 

First Daily Paper 82 



221 
G. 

Galena Lead Mines 39-41 

Great Men of 1834 52 

Game 59 

Giddinge, Rev. George P 135 

Gilpin, Joseph B I'll 

Ghost Story .' : 216 

H. 

Houses, The First Three 33 

Holmes, Joseph T 57, 67 

Hard Cider Campaign 7'i -77 

How the Hawkeye Fell in the Well 215 

1. 

Indians in Early Times 34 

Illinois Bounty Land Register 57 

Introductory Chapter 5 

J. 

John's Prairie :'>() 

June Freshet of 1844 80 

Joe Smith's Murder 80 

K. 

Kickapoo and Saukies 7 

Keyes, Willard 7, 25-28 

L. 

Lindsay's Story 7 

Local Laws Minus 53 

Langdon's Fair Book, 1867 92 95 

Lawyers in Early Times 100 L01 

Lincoln's First Speech 173 

Lee, Wellington S 212 

M. 

Madison County 8 

Mounted Rangers 37 

Mississi ppi River 38, 95 

Mormon Advent 75, L52 166 

Maine Streot Opened 80 

Memorabilia 90 

McFadon, John W L06 109 

Moore, Rev. George 138 



222 



McDowell's Baggage 177 

Municipal Elections, &c 177-179 

Morris, I. N 210 

Miller, Rufus L 212 

Moore, Ebenezer 209 

Magna Charta 201 

N. 

Nelson, Dr. David. 66 

Negro Sermon 60 

t 

O. 

"Old Pike's" Boundaries 8 

Old Time Hog Market 113 

Old Daddy Phelps '. 125 

Old Tom Nowlan 129 

P. 

Pike, General Zebulon 5-6 

Patent of Town Site to County 30-31 

Proposed Change of Constitution 33 

Preachers, &c 40, 120 

Postoffice, the First 40 

Population in 1830 41 

Pease, Captain Nathaniel 57, 114 

Pearson's Cold Bath 123 

Pierce, Mrs. Earl 130 

Privy Shears 174 

Progress 188 

Possum Up the 'Simmon Tree 205 

Q. 

Quincy and Bounty Land Tract 7 

Quincy as She Is 11-21, 102 

Quincy's Original Tract 30 

Quincy 's Steam Mills 42 

Quincy's Location, &c 38 

Quincy First Incorporated 47 

Quincy Argus and Pettit 64 

Quincy Whig and S. M. Bartlett '. 75 

Quincy Library 77 

Quincy as a Refuge SI 

Quincy Bridge Record 95 

Quincy's Historical Club ....101 



223 

Quincy in Times of War 142 

Quincy's Committee to Nauvoo 162 169 

Quincy Gaslight and Coke Company 207 

Quincy Street Railway 207 

Quincy Water Works 208 

R. 

Residents of County up to 1825 22 

Rose, Jeremiah 25 

Rice, Joel Ill 

Religion, &c 121 

Riot, First 134 

Reform " 180 



S. 

Snow, Henry H 29, 30 

Sheriff, First 29 

Sheriff, Second 41 

Steamboat Landing 31 

Sale of Lots, First 31 

Steamboat, First 33 

Sucker, How Named 39 

School, First 40 

Slavery and Missouri 65-67, 71 

Selling Runaways 70 

Steam Mills, &c 115 

Steamboats, Early 117 

Steamboat Captains 118 

Steamboat Qnincy, Trip to Warsaw 1 1!) 

Slack, Lewis 134-135 

Sects and Schools 185 L87 

Secret Societies 187 

Sherman, Seth C 214 

Supreme Court Decisions 203- 20") 

Sketches of Lawyers, &c, Before Published 209 

Skinner, O. C... t 210 

T. 

Turner, Asa 27,82 

The Date of Deep Snow v 28 

The Old Sauk Village *. 37 

Temperance Society, First 41 

Taxation 1834 49,98-99 

The Lord's Barn 67 

The Wildest Irishman '-"' 

The Evangelical Clergyman 130 



224 



U. 

United States Land Office 42 

Universalism in Quincy 131 

Union Meeting 146 

W. 

Work, Burr and Thompson 72-74 

Wood, John 23-25,28-31 

Whipple's Old Mill 33 

Whitney, D. G 42 

Wolf Hunt 61-62 

Woods, CM 82 

Weather, Quincy Bridge Report 97-98 

Women of Quincy in War 152 

What Some People Say About Our Railroad Debt 192-206 

Warren, Calvin A 211 

Woodland Cemetery 218 



